This work must not be criticised too severely for it cannot be free of mistakes. The records are sparse and scattered; what records there are have errors of their own due to the passing of time and language. The object has been to add to the little known about the lost Gaelic Irish world and those that trod its path.
Present-day, Kilkeary Cemetery and School.
Cill Chéire; Ciar’s Church. Kilkeary Cross-roads, Tipperary.
My story starts in Africa 275,000 years ago. It was in east Africa that my paternal-line began and thrived, before venturing further. My story describes what evolutionary events happened along the way that brought us to the present day. However, I should explain a little about genetic theory to add substance.
We are a part of our ancestors and relatives. In the study of DNA, there are 23 pairs of chromosomes; 22 of them are autosomes (these determine who we are, what we look like, etc.) and one pair gives us our gender (X, Y). Women have XX, Men XY. Y-chromosome inherited by men direct from their paternal line (their father’s, fathers, father etc.) Mutations (mtDNA) inherited by both men and women direct from their maternal line (their mother’s, mother’s mother etc.) The autosomes and X chromosomes are a combination of DNA from both parents, etc. The inheritance path is indirect. DNA made up of four bases: Adenine (A), Cytosine (C), Guanine (G) and Thymine (T. The X chromosome is the second biggest of all human chromosomes. All the autosomes and the sex chromosomes never leave the nucleus – a bound space in the centre of most cells.
The 23rd pair of chromosomes is different because for men the pair do not match. The chromosomes in this pair known as ‘sex’ chromosomes have different names: X and Y. Women have two X chromosomes men have one X and one Y. My genetic sex determined by my father’s Y chromosome along with a gene known as Sex-determining Region Y (SRY) important for male sexual development. Had I been female I would have received a copy of the Y chromosome from both parents.
Each generation’s fathers pass down copies of their Y chromosome to their sons. Between generations, the matching chromosomes in the other 22 pairs make contact and exchange segments of DNA. This process mixes the genetic information passed down from parent to child, making it difficult to trace genealogy over many generations except for two tiny sections at the chromosomes tips. The Y skips this step. Instead, an almost identical copy handed down each time. Small mutations create a new genetic variant on the Y chromosome. The Y chromosome do not recombine between generations but collect in patterns that mark individual paternal lineages. My 4, (11229) base Y chromosome markers show I am ancestrally negative.
Mutations or changes in the DNA happen randomly over generations but always between parent and child. They define us from those not related to us to those that are. Genetic genealogy uses two different types of mutations: Short Tandern Repeat (STR) short repeating segments and Single Nucleotide Polymorphism (SNP). Base changes at a single location in the DNA. My ancestry composition is Northwestern European, British and Irish. My relatives live mainly in the USA, Canada and Australia.
I descend from a long line of women traced back to eastern Africa, over 150,000 years ago; my maternal line, my Haplogroup H5a (Haplogroups are hierarchical) traces their story. Haplogroup refers to a family of lineages that share a common ancestor and therefore a particular set of mutations or changes. If every person living today could trace back their line over thousands of years all the lines would meet with a single woman who lived in eastern Africa between 150,000 and 200,000 years ago. My maternal line 65,000 years ago Haplogroup L3 lived in eastern Africa between 60, and 70,000 years ago. One small group ventured east across the Red Sea into the tip of the Arabian Peninsula 59,000 years ago. My story continues with Haplogroup N who migrated across all of Eurasia.
57,000 years ago one of the branches haplogroup R travelled to many places, some remained in the Middle East for tens of thousands of years. Haplogroup H arose among a later group, from woman who likely lived less than 18,000, years ago. Her descendants expanded to the north after the Ice Age and eventually reached from Arabia to the western fringes of Siberia 9,000, years ago. I share my haplogroup with all the maternal-line descendants of the common ancestor of H5a.
My paternal-line haplogroup, H-P96, traces back to a man who lived 54,000 years ago and is a relatively uncommon group. His story begins, as do all others, with the Neanderthals who were ancient humans who interbred with modern humans before becoming extinct 40,000 years ago. I have 253 variant markers out of 297. These ancient humans found in the Neander Valley, Germany. My genome sequencing is more than 78% above the average person and is in 1st place to family and friends. However, my Neanderthal ancestry accounts for less than 4% of my overall DNA. This means that some of my physical traits may well trace back to my Neanderthal ancestors – that I am slightly taller with straight, less black hair.
600,000 years ago, Neanderthals and modern humans shared a common ancestor an extinct hominin named Homo heidelbergensis who populated Africa, Europe and Asia until about 200,000, years ago. Homo heidelbergensis continued to evolve in Africa eventually becoming anatomically modern humans. About 200,000, years ago, the European branch evolving into Neanderthals who were a lot like modern humans. They radiated out across Europe, Asia, Australia, and eventually, across the Americas.
My paternal haplogroup traced back to life in eastern Africa 275,999 years ago. They criss-crossed the globe losing groups as they went. Male-line descendants passing down their Y chromosome. Over time, his lineage alone gave rise to all other haplogroup that exist today. 76,000 years ago, my paternal-line ancestors moved slowly north. My ancestors were among a group who ventured into the Arabian Peninsula.
54,000 years ago, Haplogroup H-L901 moved into eastern India the root of all branches of ‘H’ men bearing that group. Since then, his descendants have spread throughout the subcontinent. The haplogroup is common in the southwestern coastal state of Andhra Pradesh almost unknown outside India. However, haplogroup H found at levels of nearly 50% among the Roma, or Gypsies, who arrived in southern and Eastern Europe during the Middle Ages now found around the world. Far more rare H groups expanded to the east found in two different places Bali and Cambodia.
When modern humans first began to migrate from Africa to Eurasia 50,000 to 70,000 years ago they followed two routes. The first moved slowly towards the southern coast from Arabia towards Southeast Asia. The second group headed for the grasslands of the Middle East and Central Asia. Both groups reached India following rivers inland. India supported most of the humans that were alive at the time.
To trace genetic history of paternal lineages researchers compare the variants found in Y-DNA sequences from around the world. The result is a tree of Y chromosome that shows how all paternal lines are related.
A paternal haplogroup is a cluster of branches on the tree that stem from a common male ancestor and share a particular set of variants. To keep track of all the branches the major section of the tree identified by one or more capital letters. Each haplogroup name starts with the letter of the major branch, in my instance H, from which it stems and ends with the name of a variant P that identifies my particular subgroup. When my group arrived in Great Britain and Ireland, tens of thousands of years ago, both these land masses joined. My paternal haplogroup, H-P96, found to be present in Neolithic Iberia. It hypothesized as one of the original paternal lineages of the earliest Europeans. My family may have been in Ireland much longer than most.
Today the people of the islands of Great Britain and Ireland descend from Celtic, Saxon, and Viking ancestors. My DNA (mtDNA) relatives have both French, German and some Scandinavian ancestry. There are suggestions that there are a few Eastern European, Iberian, Italian, Balkan, West African and Ashkenazi Jewish ancestry.
There is sufficient evidence: geneticists conclude, from Trinity College, Dublin and Queen’s University, Belfast, to record that Bronze Age people occupied much of Ireland four thousand years ago. One-third of their ancestry came from the Pontic steppe on the shores of the Black Sea with a result being that a large part of their middle-eastern ancestry assured.
The Celts were the first people to determine the character of the country having defined laws and religion with strong tribal attachment. As with all invaders throughout the age’s they incorporated and assimilated the earlier cultures. They landed in Ireland in a number of waves – from Scotland, Hibernia, Normandy and finally from Gaul in 50BC. Each wave introduced its own prominent tribe that became associated with a particular part of the country. We are concerned with the Eoghanacht who founded at Cashel in southern Tipperary the dynasty of the Ui Neill claiming descent from Niall Noigiallach who lived in the 5th century. There were small communities known as tuatha each with their own king who owned allegiance to an over-king who controlled a number of tuatha. The Gaul’s, a name derived from the Gaelic language they used, regulated their relationships and responsibilities, within three class structures: within each kin-group, the leader responsible for social obligations. The incoming Christian leaders awarded by the high king the status equivalent to that of a king of a tuath. Surnames at that time were not hereditary. Kil’, often found starting a name or place is an anglicised version of the Irish Giolla means follower or devotee, it could also mean a religious house or church. The first Viking raids began in 795. It was during the seventh and eighth century that Celtic habits and Christian learning became integrated.
This story, on Irish matters through the ages, unashamedly focuses on a particular people (The O’Ciardha), a particular place (North Tipperary), and a particular time-span (The golden age of monasticism to the great hunger).Our concerns stretch from Galway in the west Athlone in the north, Carlow in the east and Tipperary to the south. Encompassed within this area is Lough Derg, and the towns of Nenagh, Tullamore, Roscrea and Cashel. It is to Munster and the dependants of Eoghan called the Eoghanachts that we look to give us connection. This section of northern Celtic people inhabited central Ireland, caught up in a power struggle: that tested a weakened leader, generated discontent over many generations, and destroyed many families and communities. In times of International war, these self-same people fought for those Kings and Princes. As it is impossible to tell a story about Ireland without referring to past pagan rites and latter-day Christian Religion. St. Palladius was the first bishop sent from Rome in AD 431, followed by St. Patrick AD 432, in the fourth year of the reign of Laoghaire, King of all Ireland. At the time of Patrick’s arrival Aengus of the Eoghanacht line was King of Munster, i.e. Cashel. By the sixth century, a network of religious houses had been built consisting of a stone chapel and conical shaped individual cells built within a ditch and stone walled enclosure. The monks developed the land, gave work and learning to the community and insured continuity.
The O′Ciardha tribal land bordered Lough Derg and the River Shannon’s southern shore. This land in the dark ages included loch-side and lowland grassland and upland mineral bearing hills – all in today’s northern Tipperary County. The neighbours to the west were the O′Carrolls and to the east, the O′Kennedys all boxed in by the O′Meara to the south. If you run a line up the river Shannon round King’s County then across to Dublin you separate Ireland roughly in half, these become the lands of the southern and northern O′Neill’s. The O’Ciardha clan was one of the family groups who made up the Múscraighe Tribe who populated central and south/west Ireland – east of the River Shannon. The aristocratic family Uí Raibne reputedly owned Kilkeary [Cell Cére]. St Ciar who was also of the family foundered the church. Cousins held the churches of Dromineer, Toomevara, and Kilaughnane. These religious houses all situated close to the rich pastures that line the east shore of the river. Other aristocratic branches of the family held smaller foundations whilst some of the family settled at the great monastery of Birr. The Uí Daigre, yet another branch, held the church of Latteragh and claimed that Odrán, its founder, was one of them. Uí Léinéne was a family of Uí Daigre, and as late as 1074, the annals record the death of Gilla Brénnainn Ua Léknine, Superior of Letracha Odráin.
The O’Ciardha were in no way different from other families who bordered their land. What made them stand out was their name – adopted from a saint. Tipperary County created and named in 1328, previously divided into northern and southern Munster kingdoms of Thomond and Desmond in the 12th century. The O’Brian ruled the northern half and the McCarthy the southern until they were pushed out from Tipperary altogether to survive in Cork. During the Middle Ages Cashel, to the south of the county, was the seat of the kings of Munster. When the Normans took control of the county Theobald Walter of the Butler family, who later became Earls of Ormond, was granted the north and Philip de Worcester the south.
The Gælic-Irish suzerainty employed a form of guarantee based on pledges made during times of strife and war. It was not possible in that society to protect a clan – group of families with a common ancestor, without seeking help to drive off Viking, raider or cattle rustling neighbour.
For ten years ‘Ireland was a battle ground of endless warring campaigns 1156 – 1166, when the stricken MacMurrough offered to Henry II his fealty, for the return of his kingdom. In eighty years, the Normans overran three-quarters of all Ireland, including O′Ciardha lands. This was the end of many Gælic-Irish clans; a number made allegiances outside their traditional supporters others continued their old ways – gathering what little they could salvage before leaving for less fought over lands. The Norman object was to make Ireland part of England in all but name.
This situation continued until Henry VII tired of the continual threat of invasion by Yorkist pretenders, backed by the Earls Desmond and Kildare. Further Tudor battles saw Ireland completely conquered by 1603. The southern king O′Neill surrendered along with many lords and followers after the battle of Kinsale, including what was left of the larger part of the clan O′Ciardha.
The final break-up of the O’Ciardha family came when Limerick fell in 1691. This was the final defeat of the Jacobite army. James surrendered to William at Sarsfield: produced the Treaty of Limerick. The Irish gentry decided to leave Ireland. Their confiscated land became available for plantation. The Gaelic Irish held a declining position Protestantism held sway, the English settlers held the best lands and claimed access to trading markets; the remaining property owners and monied classes saw no reason to help educated or succour the needy, they thought it was in their interest to keep the disaffected down. In this new society, and later, if you were Gælic, and wished to survive and perhaps become a landowner, it was important to assume Englishness, particularly by name. Immigration became the only way to find a job, become independent, and own your own home. Irish leaders fled to the Islands.
One hundred years later Thomas Keary was born. When he reached his early twenties in 1812, he elected to immigrate to England; other members of the family had gone before to Australia or America. Thomas agreed anglicizing his name adding an ‘E’. Leaving Kearey’s Lane, Dublin and the family business of carriage and cart building in the centre of town. He relied upon the skills taught: harness making, casting metal for buckles, hammering out iron rims, turning wooden spindles and painting to stand him in good stead in London. The Irish quarter in Westminster, offered him and other Irish immigrants shelter. It did not take him long to put his past training to good use repairing kitchen utensils and plumbing. Eventually he married and settled down in Brompton, London.
Kearey spelling used to anglicize Keary or Ceary spelling. Both the Keary and Ceary, and other derivations, options rather than retaining the Gaelic Irish form of O’Ciardha. Kearey Land tenancies distributed in Ireland, between, 1824 to 1837: 4 in County Antrim, 1 in County Down, 1848 to 1864, 3 in Kerry. The most populated counties in England by Kearey settlers became Kent in 1841. Thereafter, most Kearey families settled in Paddington, Middlesex followed by Lancashire in 1861. Twenty years later, Paddington overtaken by Rotherhithe. By 1891, Surrey followed Paddington and Bermondsey overtook Rotherhithe. Prior to 1812, there were no Kearey’s in England, Wales and Scotland. In 1841, there were just three people using that spelling, 1 Male and 3 Female. Life expectancy changed from 13 in 1869 to 67 in 1919. Within the next forty to fifty years, the number of Keary inhabitants increased to 36, in four Kearey households. Today Essex holds more Kearey marriages and deaths than any other county. By 1901, all four households headed by women nearly half being residents. During WW1 26 Kearey, men received a medal from the British Army Corps. Between 1880 and 1984, the Kearey surname ranked unique in Britain. The differing spellings throughout history maybe the result of sound as heard and poor interpretation. In 2005, there were three Kearey births and four deaths. There was two main Irish ports of departure for immigration Queenstown in Cork and Dublin. Between, 1834 to 1836, there were 20 Kearey individuals in Australia mainly in New South Wales. Distribution in 1920, of Kearey in United States divided between New York and Missouri arriving from Liverpool and Queenstown between 1852 and 1901.
Celtic conquests from Gaul – over Neolithic, Iron and Bronze Age people, took place during the second half of the millennium BC. They built up and established many small kingdoms called ‘tuatha’. This race of people – from the kingdom of Galatia, originating from the Upper Danube, Italy and Spain – formed the northern branch, which they ruled from their capital Dublin. Their land extended over all Ireland, Wales, western and southwestern England, up the western coast and islands over the border into western Scotland.
The Celtic race relied upon the bards – the High king’s soothsayers, who foretold the tribe’s destiny through story, they were the purveyors of myth and legend, who passed on aspects of community that drew the people together. They were members of the aristocracy and did not sit with the musicians, entertainers and mercenaries placed near the door but alongside the raised dais – close to the lords table. These bardic singers and storytellers extolled tales of heroes and gallant deeds; they were honoured and feted. It was a form of entertainment, which included the broadcast of news, everyday events and tales of the past. As an important side issue not intended the bards educated listeners in the facility and use of language that brought people together – instilling common cause and continuity; it gave the people a sense of belonging that lasted for generations.
The religion – a cult built upon nature, ruled by druids, priests and prophets who were later called ‘Brehon’s’, maintained power by occultism, and a knowledge of seasonal changes. Matters the Brehon’s could not explain dismissed as ‘concerning the other world!’
The bulk of the inhabitants were farmers and stockholders working small rectangular fields, operating a cross ploughing technique. They built dry-stone boundary walls and drainage ditches, and stored surplus grain in pits. They made clay pots, cast metal and decorated their clothing with beads. The Gaels power structure built on a centralized system around a ditched local ring fort giving shelter to a single king or chieftain elected by the senior warriors. There was no direct succession; it was the election of the strongest and the fittest. There were hundreds of such small kingdoms arranged into five fluctuating premier groupings the provincial pentarchic of Ulster, Meath, Leinster, Munster and Connacht.
Ireland’s people lived in a land of mountain and forest, bog and grassland never far away from well-stocked lake and grazed pasture. The people calculated their wealth by the size of their herd and the amount of land under cultivation. Their gods reflected this concern and love of the land. The rural society of this time was not one based upon towns or villages but ring-forts, lake dwellings and later, monastery-settlements. The people populated smaller communities of much cruder construction with little or no stonework but simple pole houses… often with an open roof, built on an earthen mound with ring ditches and offset entrances.
The Romans never invaded Ireland although they did stop the encroachment of Celtic people in Britain. Gradually the Roman influence inflicted a pressure that forced the Celts back becoming a socio-political and economic force rather than a physical one. The Romans, assessing rightly that the Celts offered no real threat – continued their march northwards towards Scotland… leaving their expansion into metal bearing, western areas, until later.
The army that made up the Roman force was Germanic… an altogether stronger, fitter and more advanced people than the Celtic farmers and stockbreeders. They were a tried and tested body of people from a number of tribes, hardened by their transient life – fighting, building roads and bridges, organizing logistics… the Celts were no match for them.
Ptolemy listed, in the second century AD, the names of Irish people in the P Celtic form, which was the language of Britain and Gaul. The group of people we are interested in recorded in his writings as the Cruithni linked to the Ciarraige tribe of Conbnacht and north Kerry, in the land of the Munu – Munster. Ciarraige means the people of Ciar, denoted descent from Ciar, son of Fergus mae Róich. The Ciarraige Óie Bethra located in the kingdom of Aidhne before the advent of the Ui Fiachrach Aidhne. A version omits any mention of the Ciarraige referring simply to Óic and Óca, Bethra – believing they came from Crich Ella – the territory of Duhallow in northern Cork.
This story revolves around central southwestern Ireland: the northern half of Counties Limerick, Tipperary and Offaly. These three counties bordered to their north by the river Shannon and further still southern Galway. The area bears two Loughs, Derg and Ree. Inland, south of the river, the gentle rising land sweeps up to a range of mountains called Mullaghareirk, Galtee, Slieveardagh Hills and Slieve Bloom.
The early Christian church had as one of the Twelve Apostles of Ireland Saint Ciaran Saighir [the Elder]. He was the first bishop of Ossary, one of four who preceded Saint Patrick. He foundered Seir-Kieran, County Offaly. Ciaran is an Irish personal name meaning ‘Little Dark One’ thought to be related to Ciar who was son of Fergus, King of Ulster thereafter being linked to the O’ Ciardha as one of Ciar’s People.
The Atlantic sweeps into the mouth of the Shannon until it reaches Limerick… then onwards under two bridges past the Salmon Weir towards the entrance of Lough Derg at Killaloe. South of the River Shannon, Estuary River and loch lived the Medon Mairtine. This tribe weakened by encroaching raiders, their warring neighbours and by southern Eoghanachta – a southern tribe expanding northwards.
The ruling suzerain – High king, held this land called Munster, it was sometimes referred to as Cashel a term used to describe a stepped walled settlement relying on a hierarchical system based on obligations owed – obligations to pay for protection, farm the land, take part in social gatherings, contribute to clan activities and share benefits. These obligations once accepted never withdrawn continued through the succeeding generations. The leader, Muiredach 325-355, maintained his position by strength of arms proved in battle. His position was no sinecure – extended families were large, particularly the chief’s, there was always those envying his position perhaps disputing his leadership, so he had to be always on guard!
Muiredach’s son Eochaid 356-365, married Mongfind of Munster. From this, union future kings of Connacht reigned. His second wife Cairrenn was daughter of a Saxon king and an ancestor of the Uí Néill, prince of the Connachta. She was also mother to Niall NoínGiallach of the Nine Hostages 379-405, so called because of the nine tributary tribes that owed him homage. He was High king of Erin, Ard RI, and the Gaelic form of High king, referred to as, ‘king of Tara’. Niall, one of the supreme rulers of all Ireland, founded this ruling body.
The marriage of Eochaid and Cairenn brought together an alliance between the Saxons, Irish, and Picts… a royal line called Uí Néill [descendants of Niall]. This continued for almost a thousand years… only broken by Brian Boru, king of Cashel, who, although reigning king, and afterwards by others, never ousted the name and fact of Uí Néill – as representing true national identity. When Niall died, Connacht and the kingship of Ireland passed to his nephew. His sons, Eoghan, Conall and Enda, took over smaller parts of the kingdom in northern and central-southern Ireland. It was Eoghan of Aileach, who now ruled as High king of Munster and from his eldest son was born Fiacha. It was in this fashion that the Eoghanacht line was born.
Aileach ruled from a great stone castle built on a 600-foot hill… at one time the stronghold of Bronze Age kings. A treaty drawn up between all the clans, which divided Ireland into two parts – the dividing line passed between Dublin and Galway, partway following the river Shannon. The king of the southern part recognised as the High king of Cashel.
Cashel, Tipperary, situated in a fertile plain sitting on a rock holding a stone fort built in the 400s as the seat of the King of Munster. St Patrick 432-459, preached there converting Aengus, the King. In 1101, it passed into the hands of the church that bestowed it upon Murtough O’Brien.
Osraighe or Ossory covered the present county of Kilkenny and the southern portion of Leix – populated by the Ciarraige tribe [Ciar refers to a nondescript colour it could be black, grey, brown, or tan. This could describe the people’s clothes, hair, or skin. It is also a family name… becoming part of Ciar’s People]. They became vassal people owed allegiance to the Eoghanachta who were the successors of the holy Carthach tribal lands, including all those affiliated clans with similar names and family connections. The clan under royal protection of Ui Neill were descended from the Connachta when Ciar Culdub slain.
The hierarchy of kings was adapted to the older structure of provinces – Ulster, Munster, Connacht, and Leinster, within these there were two kings vying for supremacy. They were competing for the revenues and title… provincial kings claiming over lordship, over lesser kings, one of which was the forebears of the O′Ciardha. Often these kings had to fight to enforce their claim… both admitted the supremacy of the High King of Ireland.
It is almost impossible either to work out the dominance of a particular tribe over another or to form a linearity of leading clans, especially if you try to put a date to each. It has to be pure conjecture for there are no compatible pieces of evidence to back them up. All one can do is assess the likelihood that one was, ‘at the time of!’
Britain’s fifth century history revolves around the return of the Roman Army to Italy and the disintegration of almost five-hundred years of Roman influence. The roads remained, the buildings suffered from lack of maintenance but the language and social mores held true – to be adapted. Irishmen were to some degree unaffected by the turbulence, which followed the Romans retreat back to Rome. Christianity spread from the monasteries of Gaul reaching Ireland at about the same time. It was then that there were great changes to the Irish language. It was the growth of monasticism linked secular and ecclesiastical law – the law of the land bound up with the law of the church. The first written grammar and alphabet in Irish. The monks transcribed biblical texts and sermons. Irish oral traditions found a new expression.
By about 540AD, the time of Finnian, the monks had begun to take over some of the power of the Brehons. Finnian died in the plague about ten years after the foundation of Clonard. By then both Ciaran and Columba of Terryglass were in their twenties. Saint Ciaran of Clonmacnoise from Connaught was the founder of the Abbey near Lough Ree and Columba, the greatest of the later generation monks, founded Iona. St Ciaran was another of The Twelve Apostles of Ireland. He died on the 9th September 546 at the age of 32 – buried in his little church attached to the Abbey.
The rural society of this time was not one based upon towns or villages but ring-forts, lake dwellings and later, monastery-settlements. The people populated smaller communities of much cruder construction with little or no stonework but simple pole houses… often with an open roof, built on an earthen mound with ring ditches and offset entrances.
Tipperary, the largest inland county in Ireland, is saucer-like in its shape of surrounding hills and flat central plain. Amongst the hills, the highest the Galtee in the south-west and the Slieveardagh Hills in the east. The river Shannon and Lough Derg form the border with the counties of Clare and Galway. Clonmel, the County Town, lies near the Cork border and Offaly gives high ground to Clonmacnoise.
Cashel, another name for a stepped stone fort, situated in the fertile plain of Tipperary, the town built in the 5th century by Aengus the King of Munster. It was at this centre that St. Patrick preached. Ireland’s early history is about the claim to High kingship, which led to an unstable society. Precedents propped up the whole system. Therefore, there was never a central power, which controlled the uniform development of the country. In the seventh century, it appears that Cashel was a Christian centre and that a number of local kings were bishops or abbots. Murtough O′Brien gifted the place to the church… at the same time the Bishop raised to the dignity of Archbishop. At Clonard, there was an important Church College where St Columba and St Ciarán were students. The first Bishop being St Finnian who set out as a missionary travelling through Leinster and Connacht staying for seven years making his home there.
Continuous warring between Irish clans upset the society. The people disliked the dynastic violence, which often dislodged whole clans driving the remnants away from their territory. When Christianity began to have an affect upon the social order, the people were well disposed towards the religion. The Catholic Church is governing body, set the rules from afar, which brought about conformity not only in Christian Ireland but also within the continent of Europe.
Up to the twelfth century, the monastic churches were all under the Rule of Columba 544. St Ciaran, one of a number of Benedictine monks, was one of the first saints. Between Mac Erca’s death and the arrival of Patrick Christianity established governed by Bishops. It was during Mac Erca’s time many religious conversions covered all of Irish society. Several Bishops stood up to the power of the lords and probably the greatest of these was St Ciaran. St Ciarán, the ‘smith’s [carriage-wright] son’ from Enda’s Aran, foundered Clonmacnoise, Co. Offaly, in 545. He was one of the principals of the synods of Meg Léne at the time of ‘Diarmait the Good’, one of the great kings of Ireland. Clonmacnoise is famous for its monastery completed by Queen Devorgilla… founded in 547, built on land gifted by Diatmid Mac Cerbhaill. At St Ciarán’s Church, one of the churches attached to the monastery, lies the founder’s burial place.
The monastery fort enclosed behind a stepped walled settlement with individual stone cells for the monks, a stone chapel and graveyard. It was located close to a main trading route and Lough Ree. It was considered ‘a building greater than the king’s influence’ – a city within itself. Inside the enclosure, the monastic settlement resembled a collection of beehive stone huts with just a single opening. They looked very much like the Trulli, conical brick houses in Puglia, Italy.
The clerics had a powerful influence over provincial kings; it was a case of each looking to the other for support – from outside domination. The area of Ireland of greatest monastic influence was Connacht, safest from Viking incursion and clan wars, found in north-west Ireland. By the middle of the sixth century, the greater part of Ireland was an amalgamation of kinglets.
Most rulers had a very strong link with the church – a clan chief could also be a priest, as could a lord – one position did not have greater importance than the other did. It would not be cynical to suggest that clan chiefs saw this as an easy way to achieve salvation, and the church, as a means of converting the chief’s subjects. If these positions ruled by the same person or by a member of, the same family then it all became very convenient… It is not surprising to find that some families held these offices for generations.
Irish history, through the language of the bards, is much older and far more developed than England’s at the time although later history needs reference to early accounts by the Romans – particularly Ptolemy, and later Christian writings by priests and leaders like Cianan of Saigir. We have to be grateful for the visiting monks who stayed and had the necessary foresight to record what they saw and heard.
The O’Ciardha [O’Ceary or O’Keary] clan were a senior branch of the Cenel Cairpri, descended from Cairpre… populated the central southwestern areas of Ireland, an ancient Gaelic warrior kingdom speaking Gaeltacht… The chiefs of clan O’Ciardha closely related to the supreme ruler of southern Ireland… they were minor kings, ruling that part of southern Ireland located just below Loch Derg… in today’s northern Tipperary. The lands were Slievefelim or the Silvermine Mountains and Hills in the kingdom of Munster, not far from Ossory… They were a senior group controlling a vast area related to Ui Neill. Another branch of O’Ciardha – further east, inhabited Carbury, Co Kildare. This extended family grouping – Cairbre Ua gCiardha, also a prosperous family with many cattle.
The central/southern Uí Néill, Ui [means’ children of’], a term of gentility – denotes those of the ruling family. This is a much older form than Ó or more strictly ‘Ua’. It was to this branch of the Ó Néill that the Ó Ciardha indelibly linked. The Ciardha clan a ‘sept’… corruption of the word ‘sect’ adopted by the English settlers, to describe Gaelic ruling families or clan groups. This allegiance between the O’Neill’s and the O’Ciardha continued until the latter lost all their clan lands over a period of six hundred years, ending at the same time as the restoration of Charles II, after Cromwell’s death. Edward Maclysaght’s, More Irish Families, 1982, pp50, agrees that the majority of those called Carey [or Keary] belong to the O’Ciardha sept – are a senior branch of the Cenel Cairpri. Whether C or K used it can still mean the same people.
The ancient place of St Ciardha’s monastic house. Situated in a valley between two towns – Nenagh and Toomyvara, and two mountains – Slievekimalta and Devilsbit. To the north lies The Central Lowlands: an area of farms, market towns, peat bogs, glens and lakes. Before intensive cultivation, the land heavily forested. As with the growth of many settlements the nearest navigateable river influenced its development; in this case it was the River Shannon and in particular Lough Derg, five miles north of Nenagh; it’s southern banks bordered Lower Ormond, Arra and Owney.
The main family territory was roughly in the centre of the country conforms to an area of hill and lowland. It was bog free down-land, rich in minerals well drained and hedged. This part of central-Ireland, surrounded by several clan territories continually fought over. The early O’Ciardha tribal lands split between cousins – into east and west groups. Unfortunately, both suffered from several competing branches weakened the power base. The eastern cousin’s centre was at Cashel, and the other, the northern group, lower Shannon; it was to this area that O’Ciardha was clan chief becoming king of Thomond. He later included over lordship – suzerain, of the Ostmen of Waterford and Limerick, their two important cities. This large area approximately conforms to today’s Co Tipperary. In all research into genealogical connections into the O’Ciardha clan, certain names are always cropping up; in particular, O’Meara, O’Kennedy and O’Carroll.
It is important again to stress that confirmation about name, place and time is impossible to confirm. Not only does the language change but the spelling within that language. Family groups within a tribe split into clans, and clans into septs. Kings described as lords, and lords as kings However, that should not present a problem. It is not a question of trying to change history or give credence but present a picture where the Ciardha fit into early Christian Munster.
The monastic movement established great ecclesiastical centres and one of these was at Kildare, in the early ninth century, where Uí Néill appointed provincial governor by the monasteries and king of Leinster. He lived there with his brother the abbot and his sister the abbess. The heartland of Leinster was the vale of Liffey, and the valleys of the Barrow and the Slaney. At Domnach Sechnaill generations of the same family reined as abbots; this fact gives light how leadership of the church passed onto succeeding generations.
The Irish chieftain’s allegiances fluctuated depending on what thought to their advantage. In this, the Ciardha clan was no different. They frequently mentioned in the Annals of the Four Masters from 952 onwards to the death of Ua Ciardha tighearna Coirpre [O’Keary lord of Carbury]. Again in 993 when Mael Ruanaig O’Ciardha, king of Carbury was killed by the Teftha. This killing went on… the tribes were continually seeking a way to gain territory. Even in 1128, we finally read of the slaying of ‘H Ciardha ri Cairpri, another king of Carbury.
The ancient church of Kilkeary built about 625AD, 57 feet long and just over 19 feet wide. It is in ruins having all its features destroyed except for a few massive stones – one of several tons. The nunnery built in a semi-cyclopean style of Lange limestone rocks fitted together with minimum clearances believed to be of the seventh and eighth centuries. In the graveyard is a monument to Major General William Parker Carrol of Ballygrenade, a descendant of the O’ Carroll of Ely… Previously, in 1702, an earlier member of the family buried here. William Carrol was from Lissenhall, on the far side of Nenagh Town and had a very distinguished career in the Spanish Army during the Napoleonic Wars. He was highly thought of in England, married an illegitimate daughter of George III. William was also a Politician who partitioned for the separation of the Northern and Southern Grand Juries in the county in the 1830s.
The fact that the O’Carrol used the Kilkeary graveyard – the site of the nunnery, was in keeping with Gælic tradition. The Carroll’s, Kennedys’ and Meara were all inhabitants of the east side of the Shannon – neighbours, originally owned by the O´Ciardha. The O’Ciardha harassed and evicted, transferred allegiance to the security of these clans.
Kilkeary, in Co. Tipperary today, is a small parcel of land seven miles southeast of Nenagh, in Toomevara RC Parish. Toomevara parish contains the districts of Agnameadle, Ballymackey, Templedowney and Ballygibbon. It has three ancient ecclesiastical ruins one of which was an ancient foundation for women established by St. Ciardha. There are also several ruined castles, some habitable, others not, being just ruins. Originally, the ecclesiastical name was Templedowney [Teampul Domnan – the church of St. Domnan]. Toomevara is derived from Tuaim ui Mheadhra, O’Meara’s Mound or tumulus. The parish was an area of many hundreds of acres; Kilkeary spelt Kylkeary in the first quarter of the first millennium, a place of pilgrimage and substance. The ruins of the nunnery are close to the present cemetery. The name of this district was written by ‘The Scholar of Aegus’, as Cill Cheire, the church of St. Kera or Cera [Church of Keary]; it is situated in the ancient Muscraidhe Thire, the Upper and Lower Ormond. In Aegus written, ‘Ciar Ingen Duibhrea,’ meaning St. Ciardha, daughter of king Duibhrea, who was a clan chief.
Kylkeary considered an unwalled urban settlement. It had many streets and numerous inhabitants – Irish as well as immigrant English. It traded in wool and hides and supported itself with vegetable products. The church, cemetery and nunnery provided a visiting place for travellers passing through. It covered an area of many hundreds of acres with Nenagh, its closest Manor Town – now owned by Butler, had ‘incorporation’ conferred upon it – a privileged position. The charter granted that any tenement held for a year and a day ‘was owned’, and if by an Irishman, to be declared ‘free as an Englishman’. There was of course an acceptance that one did not openly declare and display too many old Gaelic customs.
By about 540 AD, the time of Finnian, the monks had begun to take over some of the power of the Brehons. Finnian died during the plague about ten years after the foundation of Clonard. By then both Ciaran and Columba of Terryglass were in their twenties. Saint Ciaran of Clonmacnoise from Connaught was the founder of the Abbey near Lough Ree and Columba, the greatest of the later generation monks, founded Iona. St Ciaran was another of The Twelve Apostles of Ireland. Several of those Bishops stood up to the power of the lords and probably the greatest of these was St Ciaran, the ‘smith’s [carriage-wright] son’, from Enda’s Aran, He was one of the principals of the synods of Meg Léne at the time of ‘Diarmait the Good’, one of the great kings of Ireland. He died on the 9th September 546 at the age of 32 – buried in his little church attached to the Abbey.
Ireland provided with territorial bishops, each generally given a diocese close to a royal residence. As more nunneries and monasteries established, their incumbents became bishops, abbesses – and some, great abbots. Most kings sought bishops for their own kingdoms, which gave them added power and influence. Sometimes their requests given other times allocated a monk under a bishop. The bishop, who was a monk, remained under an abbot. The southern church favoured conformity with Rome the nunneries and monasteries governed by many different groups – some as independent establishments. Unity was urgently needed which took the form of a metropolitan episcopate. The first candidate put up in 650 in the southern see of Kildare, in northern Leinster. Ultimately, both north and south united under Armagh whose bishop became Ireland’s senior bishopric. Founded by Patrick Armagh remained the most important of all his monasteries. The Irish word for Abbot is comarba – meaning heir. Therefore, his is the heir of the founder. In many instances, the heir was also of the same dynastic family – the same kindred – the link between the founder and the patron… St. Ciaran.
St Ciardha 620 – 679AD was a native of this district, her father Duibhrea, was a minor king – descended from ‘the line of Connors’, Kings of Ireland. To her father’s name was sometimes added ‘insula’, meaning an island – this refers to an island now called King’s Island, surrounded by a branch of the Shannon called Abbey River. Loch Derg’s southern side is in the Province of Ormond – where St Ciardha was born. Her great sanctity and many miracles attracted many holy women to share her monastic life. The Abbess – Lady Superior, had administrative power over her mother church and followed the example of her first teacher Columba who was not a bishop but a monk and priest. It is to her that the clan name was drawn – from an abbreviated form of Máel MacGioha Cheire, one of the devotees – ‘followers’, of Saint Ciardha [Cheire]. This was the moment when the family name became established – from the naming of the saint – a close connection between the church and the secular head [king Duibhrea], reflected in the early writing.
Later, St Ciardha [Canonized Pre-Congregation] returned to Kilkeary where she was reputed to have died of natural causes. Nothing known of subsequent history: of the nunnery or her burial place, but her death is recorded in the Annals of the Four Masters, January 5th 679.
The O′Ciardha, one of the family groups who made up the Múscraighe Tribe, populated central and south/west Ireland – east of the River Shannon. The aristocratic family Uí Raibne reputedly owned Kilkeary [Cell Cére]. St Ciar who was also of the family foundered the church. Cousins held the churches of Dromineer, Toomevara, and Kilaughnane. These religious houses all situated close to the rich pastures that line the east shore of the river. Other aristocratic branches of the family held smaller foundations whilst some of the family settled at the great monastery of Birr. The Uí Daigre, yet another branch, held the church of Latteragh and claimed that Odrán, its founder, was one of them. Uí Léinéne was a family of Uí Daigre, and as late as 1074, the annals record the death of Gilla Brénnainn Ua Léknine, Superior of Letracha Odráin.
The Abbess, founded in north Munster (An area now known as Kilkeary) a monastic ‘house’ for thirteen postulants – a nunnery, in about 645AD. This settlement, in Upper Ormond, appears to have been the only one established during the early Christian era in that area – later defined as ‘in the diocese of the bishop of Killaloe’. The church elaborately decorated, especially around the altar; the walls painted to depict the apostles and the single roof span covered with split stone slates. For the period, this represented a building of influence and authority, a dwelling that catered for a number of nuns, visiting pilgrims and the needy, particularly women. The land close to the church of Kilkeary adopted as a burial ground for the local clan.
It was not always the case that an Abbot was a bishop governed a diocese or administered a tribe’s territory… there was no such organization these things interchangeable. This company of women who formed the foundation of St O’Ciardha community in Upper Ormond. It was here that she ruled with considerable skill, increasing the postulants – giving the foundation credence and sanctity. This was no trifling matter. To be officially recognised and canonized means she was accepted by Rome and worthy of veneration. This allowed St Ciardha to expect obedience particularly in matters of the church and women.
Being a daughter of the king added power and prestige. This link between king and church made it easier to assume and hold onto power. This close association between the ruling body, either local or national, and the priesthood is a feature of early religious foundation. It was in both their not only interests to have this close connection keeping power centralized but also greatly assisted religious foundation. It was in the middle, and latter part, of the first millennium that proper written records kept. ‘The Irish Annals’, ‘Book of Kells’ and ‘The lives of the Saints’ are three sources of early recorded history – written by scribes in Latin – the result of intended missionary zeal by Christian bishops and their scribes.
When the nunnery at Kilkeary established and capable of self-regulation St. Ciardha left, accompanied by five nuns, to start a new foundation in North Offaly, King’s County, where she obtained a site for another nunnery from St. Fintan in Munster. It was in a place now known as Tehelly, in the parish of Durrow where The Book of Darrow written in 700 AD, formed in about the year 655AD. This was close to Clonmacnoise and St Ciaran Church. Following the tidal river north, from the mouth of the river Shannon, you come to a loch called Derg – where the river enters the loch was built the settlement of Killaloe. The great river continues through the Lough northwards, to Clonmacnoise, a wealthy, sixth-century fort-like monastery, built of stone, before Lough Ree… then onwards… to Carrick on Shannon. It did not matter where St Ciardha travelled her title to property and obedience went with her. She and the bishop, who was son of the king of Munster, jointly ruled the church. An early law tract refers to the bishop of Cork and Emly as uasal-epscop, giving them a status equal to the king of Munster – who was overlord of the southern half of Ireland. Later, St Ciardha [Canonized Pre-Congregation] returned to Kilkeary where she was reputed to have died of natural causes. Nothing known of the subsequent history – of the nunnery or her burial place, but her death recorded in the Annals of the Four Masters, January 5th 679.
The church did not suppress Gaelic but retained part of it within Latin. The monastic libraries kept these works and preserved them. This liberal attitude reflected in the churches writings and in the Christian services. Clerics used Irish in their studies and teaching consulting a written grammar of the Irish tongue. Whether they knew what the outcome would be is not clear but it made secular and clerical writing universal greater than English. The monasteries and nunneries housed the teachers of Latin. Their ringed stone-walls, built on a rampart mound, giving security and isolation from the unsettled land around. These cashels were every bit as defensive as the lords castle a place where the whole community could shelter. This was no haphazard arrangement but a place declaring wealth and power. The books supplied from the continent for there was not just normal trade between the nearest reaches of France and Spain but religious sustenance as well. All religious houses had a scribe who attended to the matters of the day. In other times monks copied out books of learning so that they could be passed on. A Psalter, known as the Cathach attributed to St Colum Cille, written at about the time St Ciardha was performing her good works. The Irish missionaries travelled on the continent baptising Germans and Austrians building up the faithful as they went. They went on pilgrimages ‘seeking salvation and solitude’ evangelising pagan people preparing a way for later monks to build on.
Gildas developed Latin literature in a style and order fit for publication. His paragraphs, sentences and words were impressions build upon the spoken word – placed together by sound and syllable. The language was from Europe but based upon English. As Ireland was the first large country to become Christian – outside the Roman Empire, scholars had to write the Irish language, in Latin characters. They were compelled to write with an alphabet. Ogam notches became outdated in the seventh century – still not deciphered. Latin preserved the first written records. This is when the use of K began. Latin added to by English, Welsh and Irish translations, the development of a modern literature continued through the centuries.
Ciardha is the Gaelic spelling of the family name – used by scribes in about 650 AD. Later writers increasingly used Cary or Carey, as a more identifiable written form. T Edward Maclysaght’s, More Irish Families, 1982, pp50, agrees that the majority of those called Carey [or Keary] belong to the O’Ciardha sept – are a senior branch of the Cenel Cairpri. It can be seen that whether C or K used it refers to the same people.
The written Irish-language mainly derived from Latin assumed closer integration to the accepted form of spelling and pronunciation in the sixth century – probably when the K first used in some written texts. Taking over the softer anglicised form of Cary or Carey, it is natural not to make the difference so hard. What era or part of the country ‘K’ rather than ‘C’ used, is unclear…perhaps the use of K [as in kick, or quick, in the Gaelic Q form] happened when the Gaelic Cill [church] was replaced by the Latinized Kil – for place-names on maps – hence, Kilkeary and Kilkenny. Most place names are in that form. The method of spelling might indicate who commissioned the work, when, and for what purpose.
Kilkeary Parish is near to the large town of Nenagh, an important centre for its Anglo-Norman association and Franciscan Friary, which the Kennedy founded in 1240, and Cromwell destroyed, in 1650. It was one of the new walled towns designed in 1171… the citizens fearing incursions from warring factions lent a hand with the building… the town council passed a law whereby every person – including: shop owners, priests and women. Every person was allotted a day in the week that each had to help in building the town walls.
The ancient place of St Ciardha’s monastic house. Situated in a valley between two towns – Nenagh and Toomyvara, and two mountains – Slievekimalta and Devilsbit. To the north lies The Central Lowlands: an area of farms, market towns, peat bogs, glens and lakes. Before intensive cultivation, the land heavily forested. As with the growth of many settlements the nearest navigateable river influenced its development; in this case it was the River Shannon and in particular Lough Derg, five miles north of Nenagh; it’s southern banks bordered Lower Ormond and Arra and Owney.
The church did not suppress Gaelic but retained part of it within Latin. The monastic libraries kept these works and preserved them. The liberal attitude reflected in the churches writings and in the Christian services. Clerics used Irish in their studies and teaching consulting a written grammar of the Irish tongue. Whether they knew what the outcome would be is not clear but it made secular and clerical writing universal greater than English. The monasteries and nunneries, housing the teachers of Latin, built ringed in stone on a rampart mound, gave security and isolation from the unsettled land. These cashels were every bit as defensive as the lords castle a place where the whole community could shelter. This was no haphazard arrangement but a place declaring wealth and power. The books supplied from the continent for there was not just normal trade between the nearest reaches of France and Spain but religious sustenance as well. All religious houses had a scribe who attended to the matters of the day as well as copied out books of learning. A Psalter, known as the Cathach attributed to St Colum Cille, written at about the time St Ciardha was performing her good works. The Irish missionaries travelled on the continent baptising Germans and Austrians building up the faithful as they went. They went on pilgrimages ‘seeking salvation and solitude’ evangelising pagan people preparing a way for later monks to build on.
St Ciardha’s nunnery built about 625AD, a monastic building 57 feet long and just over 19 feet wide its interior colourfully painted gave protection and learning to thirteen postulants. It is in ruins having all its features destroyed except for a few massive stones – one of several tons. Built in a semi-cyclopean style of limestone – rocks closely fitted together, in the seventh and eighth centuries. In the graveyard is a monument to Major General William Parker Carrol of Ballygrenade, a descendant of the O’ Carroll of Ely. Previously, in 1702, an earlier member of the family buried here.
William Carrol was from Lissenhall, on the far side of Nenagh Town and had a very distinguished career in the Spanish Army during the Napoleonic Wars. He was highly thought of in England married an illegitimate daughter of George III. William Carrol was also a Politician who partitioned for the separation of the Northern and Southern Grand Juries in the county, in the 1830s. The O’Carroll buried their dead in the Kilkeary graveyard – the site of the nunnery, in keeping with Gælic tradition. The Carrols, Kennedys’ and Meara were all neighbours inhabitants of the east side of the Shannon. When the O’Ciardha harassed and evicted some transferred allegiance to the security of these clans.
Kilkeary nearest large town is Nenagh, seven miles west; an important centre for its Anglo-Norman association and Franciscan Friary, which the Kennedy founded in 1240, and Cromwell destroyed, in 1650. It was one of the new walled towns designed in 1171… the citizens fearing incursions from warring factions lent a hand with the building… the town council passed a law whereby every person – including: shop owners, priests and women. Every person was allotted a day in the week that each had to help in building the town walls. Toomyvara, a pleasant small market town, lies four miles east, lying astride an important crossroads.
Ireland provided with territorial bishops by Rome, each generally given a diocese close to a royal residence. As more nunneries and monasteries became established, their incumbents became bishops, abbesses – and some, great abbots. Most kings sought bishops for their own kingdoms, which gave them added power and influence. Sometimes their requests given, at other times allocated a monk under a bishop. The bishop, who was a monk, remained under an esteemed abbot. As with the king so with the church – there was a difference between the north and southern parts of Ireland. The southern church favoured conformity with Rome the nunneries and monasteries governed by many different groups – some as independent establishments. Unity was urgently needed which took the form of a metropolitan episcopate. The first candidate put up in 650AD in the southern see of Kildare, in northern Leinster. Ultimately, both north and south united under Armagh whose bishop became Ireland’s senior bishopric founded by Patrick and remained the most important of all his monasteries. The Irish word for Abbot is comarba – meaning heir. Therefore, his is the heir of the founder. In many instances, the heir was also of the same dynastic family – the same kindred – the link between the founder and the patron… Ciarán of Ciar’s’ People first born of the saints of Ireland.
It was not always the case that an Abbot was a bishop governed a diocese or administered a tribe’s territory… there was no such organization these things interchangeable. This company of women who formed the foundation of St. O’Ciardha’s community in Upper Ormond named after her, ‘Cill Cheire’ [Church of Keary]. It was here that she ruled with considerable skill, increasing the postulants – giving the foundation credence and sanctity. This was no trifling matter. To be officially recognised and canonized means accepted by Rome and worthy of veneration. This allowed St Ciardha to expect obedience particularly in matters of the church and women. Being a daughter of the king added power and prestige. This link between king and church made it easier to assume and hold onto power. This close association between the ruling body, either local or national, and the priesthood is a feature of early religious foundation. It was in both their interests to have this close connection keeping power centralized but also greatly assisted religious foundation. The main clan lands were Slievefelim or the Silvermine Mountains and Hills in the kingdom of Munster, not far from Ossory… The Cairbre Ua gCiardha were a senior group controlling a vast area related to Ui Neill. Another branch of O’Ciardha – further east who inhabited Carbury, Co Kildare.
The Vikings, 795AD – Scandinavians called Norsemen from Holland, pillaged and plundered coastline and river settlements around Britain and Ireland building fortresses at Dublin, Waterford, Wexford, Cork and Limerick – the main towns of Ireland. These guardians, of main river inlets and Towns, were minor kings tribal chiefs or earls… in no way could they be described as rulers of large tracks of the countryside. They lived in stone houses with a surrounding wall punctured by fortified gates. Circling this stronghold were a number of ditches and mounds with offset entrances.
Finding Ireland all that they required the Norsemen chose the best land and settled down marrying into the population, eventually known as Ostmen. They felt at home in this pagan land, this place of tales, songs, myths and legend – it was much like their former homeland.
Through the ages, this settlement, on the river mouth was important. Later called Limerick and came to play a vital role in the development of the country… a place well known for its salmon fishing and its access, up the river, into the heart of the country.
In Loch Derg, longboats anchored, close to the shore… some drawn up on the beach others hauled up onto logs – under repair. These are the property of Viking raiders, frequent visitors – their coming and going accepted by the inhabitants. A number of the Vikings strike up relationships with the inhabitants having children… They remained working the land and fishing. This was convenient which ensured a safe harbour and a place where boats restocked and take on water. Like many immigrants to a new land, they took an active part in its development becoming more committed to its survival than the original inhabitants, which the incoming Normans found to their cost…!
In the 830s, the Viking raids became even more extensive defeating the Uí Néill in battle plundering widely… the clergy were at this point part of the nobility and church property protected by law. Monks could not act as security nor make bequests without his abbot’s consent for the abbot was the administrative head of the church.
The Norse raids lasted until the 870s… died out, and erupted again. Ten years later ‘the great Norse tyrant’ Barith was killed… not before destroying Cianan of Duleek’s oratory. The kingdom of Uí Failge comprised the baronies of Offaly in County Kildare and part of the diocese of Kildare… their kings related to the ruling Laigin dynasty. However, the southern Uí Néill maintained precedence in Munster until the reign of Feidlimid mac Crimthainn in AD886. In the latter part of the first millennium, the Uí Néill was probably the most important family grouping – dominating both the northern and southern parts of Ireland. They were descended from Niall Noígiallach who themselves were from Conn.
The Vikings at the battle of Dublin 919AD killed Niall Glundub, ancestor and over-king of the Uí Néill. During the battle, five other kings and many other nobles killed. Glondub related to Niall, the last of the kings of Tara, the legendary seat of the high-kingship, ejected by Brian Boru when he rose to power.
In 920, a Norse settlement at the mouth of the Shannon, populated and enlarged becoming the city of Limerick. It was the start to a flourishing trading place, the beginning of the salmon industry and the vitalling of many Viking boats. In 937, the Limerick Vikings clashed with those of Dublin on Lough Ree and were defeated. The Shannon was of major importance in military campaigns in all of Ireland’s history. The association with the Norse never diminished – eventually they become integrated into the Irish community. The city was criss-crossed by wooden streets, houses and workshops. Mathgamaim sacked the city in 964 after previously capturing Cashel from the Eoganachta. All those fit to fight were killed the others enslaved. His brother Brian later killed him.
The kingship of the Cinel dropped out of succession. By 976, Brian Boraime [Boru] asserted control over the whole of Munster. It was during this time that Amlaib Cuaran’s [AD945-80] daughter and grandson were baptised and given Irish Christian names – Mael Muore and Gilla Ciarain. Later, during the Battle of Clontarf, 1014, Brian heralded the claim to the throne of all Ireland including the land held by the Ostmen. Support however by other Irish leaders was not forthcoming. A number of clans leaders populating north Leinster and Munster, one being Maelsheachlainn O’ Ciardha, were bribed just before the battle to desert with his men – they fought with the Norsemen – to remove Brian’s power in Limerick. This united gathering failed and Brian won a great victory although he never lived long enough to reap the rewards – killed in his tent, pitched on the field of battle.
Boru’s reign shattered the old order, his death allowed Máel Sechnaill II to be high king of Ireland until his demise in 1022. The remained and develop their towns, which gradually became main centres of importance. All those clans linked to the O’Neill’s, including the O’Ciardha, lost political power – new relationships were formed – some gained advancement others declined. The O’Ciardha clan started to split up – part moved to the kingdom of Man, others to the Isles and a further group retreated to western Munster – today’s Co Cork and Kerry, whilst others fled to the hills or joined other clans. The main nucleus of older members continued to maintain their old ways close to the ancestral home.
Enjoying large areas of land, or what it produced, did not burden the Irish lord or ‘leader. It mattered not to him that another might quote amounts he was more concerned about ‘status’ according to whom he knew, who served him and who needed his power and position. This was a major failing in the Irish leadership system accepting the rank others accorded him, showing greater deference, that ‘the other was the greater lord’. When he died all that deference died with him and there was turmoil, until the whole lot settled down again…more than likely, to show a different order! The king was not a judge… he was there to lead his people into war and to be a chair at the various meetings. However, it was rare that the eldest male descendant or nominated leader not accepted… he had to be strong enough to demand obedience, having proved his worth with deeds. The pagan brehons, previously known as the Druids, were the lawyers and governed the social system. They were not the poets or filid although holding the same high office.
Kincora was a stone built fortress guarding Lough Derg and was at one time Brian Boru’s capital, although Cashel still represented the ancient seat of the Munster kings. Brian first established himself as king of Munster in place of the traditional Eoganacht king of Cashel in 1002. Mael Sechnaill, king of Tara, who had been ruling since 980, acknowledged his supremacy.
Two years before, High king Murchertach presented Kincora to the Church where it became the seat for the new archbishopric of Munster. Gilla Espaic, or Gilbert, made bishop of Limerick about 1106 and appointed papal legate. This action made an alliance between the High king and southern reformers to the traditional head of the Irish Church. The O’Brian’s’ moved to their new capital in Limerick ruling the Ostmen – their vassals. It was at Limerick, called by the Norse name, ‘the Lax Weir’, that salmon fishing was highly valued becoming a chief industry – many Viking ships rode at anchored in the Shannon lakes. Ostmen, meaning ‘Eastmen’, the name given to Christianized semi-Irish settlers in Ireland after 1014, were an established entity before the invasion of England by the Normans. The waves of the sea and salmon depicted on the bottom-third of the family Coat of Arms suggests that the sea that feeds the river Shannon and Lough Derg played an important part in the life of the family – sufficient to be recorded on the O’Ciardha shield…
Murchertach divided Ireland up into twenty-four sees in 1111. This action replaced the old monastic order. Eight years later Turloch sought High kingship after Murchertach’s death. The O’Brian’s and the kingdom of Cashel never assumed great power again. Turloch had his fleet based on Loch Derg and his fortress at Dunleogha, which held Connacht and the bridges over the Shannon. Turloch had twenty-three sons all had land at the expense of others taken on as vassals or else thrown out. The aristocracy was so avarice, so numerous, that there was no other outlet for them but war. Munster divided amongst his three sons, Muirchertach, Diarmait and Tadc who died within a month. Tribe extinction by war, expulsion or ill health frequently was the case…. about thirty years later, with the advent of the Cistercians some order restored.
Turloch More O’Connor, 1119 – 1156, was High king. He was the son of Rory O’Connor, king of Connacht in 1106. Ireland contained a hundred kinglets arranged into five bigger groupings roughly into today’s provinces. The High King also ruled one of the provinces – held the power base of these other provinces. In Ireland, there were three grades of kings. At the bottom, the king of the smallest kingdom called a túath, next in order an overking ruiri and finally king of overkings ri ruirech. By the middle of the twelfth century, these titles changed to one of lordship. Lower down the social scale came noblemen linked to the lord – normally by a feudal bond – allegiance to. At the bottom of the scale came the commoners some freemen others not. Where a clan inhabited a border between counties or shared land with the diocese, which is the case of the O’Ciardha – Killaloe, the likelihood of that clan remaining strong, is slight. Wars and disputes undermined ancient rights especially when the warrior chiefs were away fighting… weaknesses were soon exposed.
Bridge links Killaloe with Ballina, into north Co Tipperary… along the Nenagh road stands the round tower of Derry Castle in Loch Derg, depending on the tide. In the Loch, Friars Island – which contains the ancient church of St Lua, the first bishop of the See of Killaloe.
Already we have seen that the O´Ciardha clan chiefs were ‘vassals’ under the protection of another – in this case it was the O’Neill’s. They in turn had vassals… and so on. If one or another lost power there was an readjustment… if one clan was split-up through interclan wars they lost status – in some cases the clan became extinct – their land and rights forfeited. For clans to survive their chiefs had to demonstrate their strength, usually in battle… it was necessary to have allegiances to ensure security. The O’Ciardha was part of the Eoghanacht as were the O’Sullivans, O’Donoghue, O’Mahony and possibly the O’Carthys… as well as others. It is impossible to say which were the more senior or who favoured most.
The Irish clan system worked through the rent of land – the chief owed his position to an overlord to whom he paid either cash, cattle, service or all three for the land, relied upon to supply men to fight the lord’s battles and to give support and succour – safe haven, in times of defeat – all to contribute towards ‘payback’. Every family in the clan did similarly only towards the clan chief. In its simplest form it worked well but when more complicated broke down, especially when there was nothing to repay or barter for the sum owing.
This hieratical grouping of families with a corporate entity gave a political and legal involvement recognised by those around them. A single person or group could represent the clan as long as they had political influence or property. Over a period, the clan rulers multiplied by birth and marriage, by so doing displaced those lower down the social scale. Even though you were of the leaders family this did not guarantee your position.
The clan system revolved around ‘a common people’ based within an identifiable area of land, say, a valley. A man’s claim to noble rank and apparel derived over many centuries. When the dynastic clanna covered the population of this area and its founder accepted as their common ancestor – the chief was born. To marry outside the valley – the community was a rarity. The clan law in Ireland is a customary law, which is slightly different in Scotland and Wales.
The obviously more powerful Normans, whom Sechnaill showed devotion to, particularly towards Henry I, dominated the ruling bodies in Ireland. It was in 1163, that Giolla Ciaran O’Draighnan died at the Abbey of Fore a year before Abbot Moel Coenighin O’Gorman. Six years before Strongbow married Aoife after the subjugation of the native Irish by the Normans in 1169.
Domnall Mac Lochlainn, king of the Uí Néill, had total power of southern Ireland until he fell from office. [Ui Neills’ of Meath and Ailech ruled for over 500 years] Domnall lost his power after appealing to Henry II for help. The English invasion sanctioned and authorized by Pope Adrian 1155 was lead by Henry’s Cambro-Norman barons under the call to invade and help Domnall re-claim his land. Between 1169 and 1171 the Cambro-Normans, under the earl of Pembroke, Richard FitzGilbert de Clare, the earl of Strigoil, ‘Strongbow’, not only seized all of Leinster and Dublin but also invaded neighbouring provinces too defeating Rory O’Connor, high king of Ireland. This sizing of land made under the guise that it owed – a payback, for help given. Henry II demanded and received fealty and tribute from all the surrounding kings. There followed a further diminution of the clans, O’Ciardha again elected not to show fealty although a liegeman of Ui Neill.
From about 1170 onwards, the English began to colonize Ireland. This was to the ultimate detriment of the old order of Gaelic kings; they were never to rule their own provinces again. It was from this point that clan O’Ciardha began to diminish once more – their lands and titles stolen – being distributed to English sympathisers. In 1171, O’Connor and O’Carroll with others were defeated in battle by Strongbow, which established the Normans as supreme. In 1175 Kerry, Limerick, Clare and Tipperary, the kingdom of Limerick [land of the O’Brian’s], was signed away by Henry II and given to Philip de Braose. Munster became more French than any other place outside France.
In 1183-5, Gerald of Wales described Ireland as being a land of bogs, wood and lakes in his commentary Topograhia Hiberniae. This was about the only factual thing he wrote about the Irish and was true for most of the north and central plain, at least for the next five hundred years – until land clearing and cultivation took place. What Gerald did predict correctly was that ‘Ireland would not be conquered’, he noticed, that the native’s fighting skills improved with time – put up a greater organised resistance as new fighting skills were learned and old strongholds strengthened. The old order changed picking up new forms of battle.
In 1189, Conor O’Connor, son of Rory – the last native king of Ireland, was turned out of Connacht and slain. His son Cathal Carrach, motto The Red Hand of Ireland, claimed the kingship, as did Rory’s brother Cathal Crovderg. De Courcy eventually recognised him as king of Connacht. When Ruaidri Ua Conchobair died in 1198, buried in Clonmacnoise, Gaelic Irish power ended. Limerick fortified by the building of King John’s Castle set on the shores of the Shannon, to quell O’Brian’s kingdom of Thomond.
In 1202, Crovderg, brother of Ard Ri, ‘of the Red Hand’ [O’Ciardha clan motto the same], inaugurated king by ancient ceremony at Carn Fraoich. The English considered him the greatest of all the Irish kings.
Towns like Nenagh began to be built-up with a gated retaining wall. Forests were felled and new methods of agriculture developed. Masons and stonecutters enticed to construct the walls and houses, helped by the inhabitants who mixed the mortar and carried the stone. The citizens help was not always voluntary even though it was for their safety. Laws passed forcing the population to assist in the work. No one was left out of the labour force all had to give a hand. If a man could not work, because of illness or the need to maintain his own affairs, his wife had to take his place. Nenagh felt secure and the town prospered. Churches were extended and re-built; education was ordained as being necessary. English laws followed and a degree of prosperity generated.
The English language began to be the common means of expression. Art and science imported together with the administration of finance and justice. Anglo-Irish dynasties gradually assumed the ruling hand – enclaves creating a frontier, which undermined the old feudal nobility. Many of these Anglo-Irish families still occupy seized lands to this day. What was a continuing feature in this subjugated and colonised land was that the colonists never thought of themselves as being natives but as Englishmen. The Irish annuals describe how King John tried to ensure good relations with the natives but fell out with the northern king Aed us Neill and the Connacht king Cathal Crobderg Ua Conchobair. Both paid homage but neither trusted King John.
The Norsemen raided Limerick in 831 which they left when driven out by Brian Boru, the then king of Thomond, which became the chief seat of Donal O’Brien, King of Munster. The founder of the cathedral was Bishop O’Brien in 1217.
Between 1219 and 1232, Richard de Burgh’s nephew Hubert was temporarily in charge of England giving Richard considerable influence in Limerick and Tipperary, providing a good base to begin and conquer Connacht, which he proceeded to do. All this occurred close to the clan land of the O’Cairdha who had cast their lot in with O’Connor. The 1248, Munster Chronicle reports, ‘many of the kings’ sons of Ireland were slain that year. There was a great deal of killing and raiding, endless campaigns, fire-raising, cattle raids and pillage…the place was in turmoil.
The Lordship of Leinster, partitioned between the five daughters of William Marshal, husband of Strongbow’s daughter Isabel, resulted in Kilkenny given its own liberty from the crown. This was at the end of the thirteenth century. Another change just prior to this was the rise of William, baron of Naas – a tenant of the lords of Leinster. The lordship of Ireland granted to Edward 1 in 1254, and continued by his son who died in 1327. John Fitz Thomas of Offaly, earl of Kildare passed on the earldom to his son Thomas. In 1258, the sons of the king of Thomond, and associated nobility including the O’Ciardha met and conferred supreme authority to Brian O’Neill… unfortunately; he died at the abortive Battle of Downpatrick in 1260.
One of Strongbows knights Hugh de Lacy, one of the largest landholders in Hertfordshire were granted the province of Meath, part of Longford and Offaly for the service of fifty knights. He in turn dolled out lordships – entire baronies and sub-divisions of manors, to his followers – who proceeded to erect fortified enclosures to protect new immigrants. Not all this went down well with the inhabitants! In Limerick and Tipperary, a sheriff installed to collect revenues and impart his judicial and military powers. This pressure further pushed the O’Ciardha clan into the hills and inaccessible places. The result of the sub-division of land and the installation of overseers created an outpost for the barons to protect Leinster and Dublin from incursion and provided a jumping off place to subdue outer regions of southern and western Ireland.
In 1297, Tipperary County was required to send an elected representative to attend the Dublin parliament – towns within the county two years later and of both by 1300. This act had the effect of displacing the old order – the Gaelic Irish – the Gaelic nobility. The Normans took over all and imposed themselves marrying into the Irish leadership, developing the towns and cities for their own.
Enormous progress made to integrate all the population in the new order. Forests cleared to form cultivated land, new methods of agriculture introduced to produce more food. Trades and commercial enterprises contained within the newly built walled towns – like Nenagh. It was a period of prosperity, which allowed monastic houses to flourish. This progress later reversed…
Carbury [Cairbre] in Kildare is a place with pre-Christian remains close to a ruined Church of Temple Doath, built on Carrick Hill, next to Carrick Castle… a castellated manor house built in the 1300. Five years later De Bermingham slew O’Conor, Prince of Offaly, and about thirty of his relatives… he then went on to appropriated all their lands. The River Boyne rises off this hill to the south, which offers a good view over the great central plain. Within sight – the ruins of a least four castles, all built by the De Berminghams.
A few years later a Gaelic reconquest swept away many of the Anglo-Irish ruling bodies – their manorial systems and associated village settlements. The old forms of address, writing and reference returned to and life reverted to that before English rule. This was the pattern where the old order tried to reassert itself. However, the new order crushed. The start of the gallowglass, who were ‘bondsmen’ – mercenaries of the future, gave the old order support and security coming originally from north-west Scotland – afterwards used by the Irish – after acknowledging their usefulness. Their recruitment, of any number, could be from a single clan, or a number of clans – especially disposed clan leaders without land, home or roots. The lord had to be able to keep them and their families, provide food and a dwelling. This was such an expensive undertaking that few engaged. Using huge axes like the Normans and protected by chain mail they acted very much like samurai who, experienced in war, gave protection and allegiance unto death. They joined forces with O’Connor who sought help from King Haakon of Norway to oust the Normans from Ireland and become King. The plea came to nothing for King Haakon died before a landing made. Another attempt made by inviting Edward Bruce of Scotland in 1316 but this too failed after causing mayhem for three years – after being killed at the battle of Faughart.
The great plague struck the country in the winter of 1348 – it was the Black Death – which had already laid waste the population of Europe. Friar Clyn describes the result as depopulating Kilkenny to the extent that ‘there is hardly a house where there is only one dead’ – it believed the end of the world had arrived! Whether this believed or not nothing was the same afterwards. Any disputed land or a family death, which made inheritance impossible – the land reverted to the holdings of the lord of the manor.
In 1354, Ormond granted land to O’Meara near Toomevara. Four years later another parcel of land granted to the O’Kennedys’ only this time the land was in the manor of Nenagh. All together, it appears these two clans granted all of Lower, and part of, Upper Ormond. These two families, the O’Carroll and O’Kennedy, occupied land, which bordered and overlapped on ancient O’Ciardha territory. In legal parlance when a clan is without land, their legal claim to clanship revoked.
The ‘Statutes of Kilkenny’ passed by the Irish Parliament in 1366, prohibited colonists from intermarrying with the native Irish or learning their language. This change unsettled the population and created in its wake absentee property owners who did not want to return to ‘a land of unrest’. By 1364, there were considerable financial problems caused by these absconders. Thirty years later King Richard II created the first of a succession of Irish kings of arms. He wanted to control all those areas that the native Irish had reasserted their office in – their way of life. Heralds required to marshal the arms of the various knight’s, give military advice and regularise the battles. This was the start of a continual battle. The Gaelic Irish, Anglo Irish and Normans began to unite to form a united front against England. The Irish question began to reassert itself…
In the towns and villages of Ormond, which included Kilkeary, the Anglo-Normans had to negotiate and deal with local cultivators or freemen and the serfs called betaghs. This was similar to the English manorial system only not so efficient for the people were included in the deal. Everything: their labour, animals and produce taxed. The Anglo-Normans tried to oust them to take just their property for they did not understand them nor want to integrate with them. They had tried to emancipate them but they would not pay the fee. However, they still wanted their labour to work the land. This naturally caused a lot of bad feeling and resentment.
Niall Mor O’Neill, king of Tir Eoghain, was optimistic that, he would become the English crown’s representative over all Ireland – necessary to bring about stability. It was not to be. After a considerable number of expeditions, battles and disputes, Niall Garbh O’Donnell died in 1439.
By 1430, the original Irish lords only occupied the less fertile parts of the country. Those that did were no match for the Anglo-Irish who operated intensive farming methods. They were doomed if they continued to try to maintain the old ways of living. They were not slow in adopting a more conciliatory tone so they gradually assumed alliances both by marriage and sharing common goals. They began to drop the right to govern like royalty. The White Earl of Ormond related to both Mac Murchada of Leinster and Ua Neill of Ulster; held Tipperary and the majority of Kilkenny. Ireland was a land divided between the Anglo-English lords, as Butler earls of Ormond, and the Gaelic highly divided world of ancient custom, language and local chief. The affect this had on the English crown was great for it occupied the attention of Richard II to the extent that Henry of Lancaster landed in England and sized the throne. Richard’s sally into Ireland in 1399 failed to unite the land under one king. There was not another landing in Ireland by an English king during the Middle Ages – the ‘War of the Roses’ took all the energy and finances making England weak. [In the mid 1400s, the County of Meath, central Ireland, split into two, English and Irish].
‘The Pale’ was a fortified earthen rampart built in the fifteenth century to enclose the royal administration lands of Louth, half Meath and Kildare including Dublin – became known as the Pale [from palatinate – territory of feudal or sovereign lord]. Thomas Fitz Maurice [1456–78] was one of three surviving Anglo-Irish magnates. Previously, the earl of Kildare had been the most powerful. However, the earls continued to assert their right to maintain their own land even when faced by intervention by Edward IV and Henry VII. The Gaelic Irish chiefs began to assert themselves for they were now versed in better ways for making war – they had benefited from previous struggles. This was not the time to build but to claim back lost land.
This inattention – ruination by neglect, was to happen to castles, churches and monasteries. Local people able to carry the heavy loads away stripped them of their lead, stone and wood. The demolition and destruction mainly affected estates and properties of vacant absentee owners.
In 1534, Thomas, Lord Offaly, the son of the ninth earl of Kildare and leader of the Anglo-Irish, declared, ‘to be the king’s enemy.’ He was seeking the governorship of Ireland. That stirred-up a pot of rebellion… again put down in no short measure by Skiffington – Henry VIII’s representative.
The Irish lords and military leaders still relied upon the ‘long, two-handed sword’ as their chief weapon of war – for close fighting. To discourage enemy horses ten-foot spears were anchored into the ground [the lancers resorted to short swords for infighting] whilst arrows kept their riders at bay. Chain mail, helmets and heavy coats protected their bodies, although still wearing sandals without stockings.
How different this was to the mass of peasants who made up the Irish Lord’s army. Many were barefooted; none had a headdress and axes, swords and clubs plain and unfinished. Their strength came from a knowledge of the countryside, which they could exist on, and the hardships they could bear.
It is important to understand that at that time it was not always the case that an elder son or any son at all, would inherited the chief’s position. Naturally the chief, before he died, tried to ensure his son did take over his position and to that end he trained his son in such a way that this would happen. That was not always the case. Quite often, when a chief died the elders who they wanted to lead them asked the clan, accepted by a show of hands. Normally it went to the strongest – the champion, one who could not be challenged. On the other hand, the old chief’s lands distributed according to the clan elders, not necessarily to his own family and sons.
Ireland had been a ‘lordship’ of the Norman English crown. Hugh O’Neill 1540–1616, became second Earl of Tyrone. In 1585, he led an uprising, with Spanish help, which was defeated in 1601. After this setback Ui Neill, rather than submit to English influence, chose exile, as did O’Donnell and ninety of his followers. Amongst these followers were a number of the O’Ciardha henchmen who chose the Netherlands. Dermot O’Ciardha of Offaley stayed to create an opposition movement, and to offer protection to the scattered clan families. The establishment in 1570, of presidencies in Munster and Connacht saw a push by the English to take a grip of the land north of the river Shannon. It had been a hard task to subdue the lords of Munster, who had excommunicated Queen Elizabeth.
The lands of O’Carroll and O’Kennedy to the southeast of Lough Derg above Cashel – encompassing ancient O’Ciardha clan land, were not within the English marches until The Connacht and Munster Councils of 1569-71. There was another rebellion in 1579, which ended in the defeat of Tyrone, who surrendered four years later. Ireland was now a conquered and subjugated land. Queen Elizabeth I had succeeded where others had failed.
The suppression of the monasteries during the reformation and the civil disturbances after, led to the destruction of many church treasures. The churches of Keary and Fethard, in Co. Tipperary, and Askeaton in Co. Limerick were ravaged… important statues and other treasures were destroyed, although some rare wooden statues and bronze processional cross from Ballylongford, Co. Limerick and embroidered cope from Waterford survived.
Another vast emigration to continental Europe followed. The English administration did everything in their power to Anglicize the customs of the few remaining native Irish. The Gaelic adherents that survived the Tudor and Stuart Plantations eventually undermined and ruined by the anti-Catholic legislation enacted by the Dublin Parliament after the victory of William III. These laws stopped estates being handed down to the eldest son instead they had to divide them between all the children in the family which over-time whittled down Estates to that of just small freeholders. The chiefs were unable to maintain patronage within their clans, which eroded the social systems – developed over many generations. From that time, the clan system gradually wilted away even though the local peasantry continued to support the old ways.
The process known as plantation began in the Tudor period, but mainly by James I, in Ulster and Munster, and led to the settlement of 40,000 Scottish and English immigrants by 1641. It was important for the landowners to have labour to work the land and provide food – to replace all those forced off their land and fled the country… without proper coordination would result in further bloodshed and misery.
In the Down Survey of 1646, the O’Kennedy, the O’Mera and the McGrath families, owned the land of Toomevara parish. Many of the O’Ciardha clan integrated into the O’Kennedys’ for protection, assuming their name and customs. The ancient ecclesiastical foundation for women established by St Ciardha was still a recognisable site, although a ruin.
Following the defeated rebellion of the Irish Catholics of 1641, there was a confiscation of ancient tribal lands and their redistribution to English adventurers – those who had provided the funds to raise the army and put down the rebellion – soldiers and landowners. The Civil Survey conducted in 1654/56, listed the owners of land in 1640, as well as the new owners. Fifteen years later a tax called Hearth Money Rolls was introduced payable on the number of fireplaces in each house. The Census of Ireland in 1659, listed those with title to land and total number of persons overall as well as the numbers of families in each barony who used Gaelic Irish names. At the end of the seventeenth century there were several ‘Penal Laws’ enacted restricting the rights of Catholics in land and property ownership including social events and gatherings.
Migration from Britain into Ireland continued apace throughout the pre-Protestant years mainly to fertile areas in the eastern counties that had access to natural resources and the sea. This influx greatly improved social and material benefit for both the newcomers and those folk who remained, enlarging the knowledge and horizons of those who were involved. This caused a split in the society – both religious and social. The clans were always at odds with each other – trying to gain more power and space. It was an age-old way of life, which not only sapped the strength of family groupings but also did nothing to advance society. Many families were being pushed out by the aggressive and vibrant newcomers – those given plantation lands. Many moved west into Tipperary from neighbouring Leinster gradually easing out the inhabitants.
Colonel Owen Roe O’Neill, a nephew of the great Hugh O’Neill, spent his entire career in the Spanish army of the Netherlands – he was not the only one. At this time, there was an almost greater alliance between the Irish nobility and the Spanish, particularly in the Nethlands, than towards the English and Anglo-Irish. Certainly, this existed with ‘the old order’. Colonel O’Neill and Colonel Thomas Preston failed in their attempt to expel the Scottish Covenanters, who unbeknown to him at the time, had connections with Cromwell’s army.
The population of Ireland in the 1650s now divided into those who were actively disloyal – the original native Irish; the old English subjects who were now through intermarriage and assimilation Gaelic and Catholic and the newer loyal English who were Protestant landowners and titleholders who included the latest Scots settlers in Ulster. The Act of August 1652, declared that all the Irish and Anglo-Irish, who could not prove “Constant Good Affections”, to the Cromwellian cause should lose one-third of their estates, the remaining two-thirds made over as ‘new areas for transportation’. These settlements changed the character of Ireland forever and with that the landowning aristocracy as well.
In Ireland’s Natural History, published in 1652, and jointly dedicated to Cromwell and Fleetwood, debated the possibility that Protestants from Europe could be induced to settle into Ireland. Cromwell’s concern was that there might be either an uprising in Ireland or incursions from abroad by Catholics. In this, history proved him right.
September 1653, saw a new Act of Plantation. This time grants given to English towns – to entice skilled tradesmen to immigrate. Adventurers were apportioned estates and the Army paid for in gifts of land. Whole areas made over in this way to the English. Two thirds of all Ireland were distributed and within those areas was all of Leinster, Kilkenny, Kildare, Kerry and Carlow; Kilkeary was not included coming within the County of Tipperary. Other than a small strip made over to the English, Clare and Connaught were left to the Irish. Whereas this action may have been sensible as a way to control the population and prevent an uprising, it was undoubtedly immoral and caused great resentment. A quarter of Wicklow, Wexford, Kildare, Kilkenny and Carlow were very English and had been for generations since Henry. Everybody else being forcibly removed – from towns and villages, compatriots, and children included. Some people could stay but they had to declare themselves Protestants. People with prefixes O, M, or Mac banned and their land forfeited. However, Gaelic prefixes allowed in Irish areas. In this manner great estates were built up by the English moneyed classes who were in the main the ruling Protestant aristocrats and gentry.
In Upper and Lower Ormond, and throughout much of Ireland, some of the old established Catholic landowning families, the O’Ciardha amongst them, took refuge in the hills and other outlying places to escape domination and subjugation to the Protestant forces. This broke up many of the clan families after losing their land. Eventually their legal rights forgotten – forfeited – by lack of use, neglect and absence. The descendants of the old order took their dead to ancestral graveyards in Ballinaclogh and Kilkeary – perpetuating their ancient rights…
It would appear from documented sources that the name Thomas always retained for the first-born son of the head of the clan since earliest time. ‘Thomas O’Ciardha of Offaley, Fore, a branch of the Cahill family of Connaught, derived from Cathal, [No. 102, of the Cahill of Connaught pedigree] also known as Thomas Baintreadhachd [Thomas the Widower] was the ancestor of Keary of Fore from Co. Meath. In Hart’s Irish Pedigrees of 1887, pp499, Keary/Carey [O’Ciardha] of Fore, Co Westmeath, were descended from Dermot O’Ciardha of Offaley. During the 1650s, the name reverted to the Keary form of spelling because another member of the family, using the C, had become a protestant.
‘Thomas O’Ciardha was killed by Cromwell’s Parliamentarian troops in 1654, at the burning of Saint Fechin’s Abbey. The monastery was an important monastic centre founded in AD630, later to become a small-fortified town defended by two gates, a canal, a mound and a ditch. The monastery withstood several burnings and raids eventually becoming an Anglo-Norman Priory under the rule of the order of St Augustine. The last Prior, William Nugent, surrendered the house and possessions to Henry VIII. The town of Fore allied to the English – being close to the English ‘Pale’.
This eldest son of Thomas Baintreadhachd, ‘Thomas O’Ciardha, had three sons: Thomas the Elder, died in Spain nine years later, Patrick who escaped from Limerick at the same time entered Spanish service in the military and Hugh who married Margaret O’Brian daughter of Dermot O’Brian of Naas. Their son John O’Brian married Mary daughter of Owen M’Kewen of Clontarf and Swords. Their second child was a daughter born in 1749 who married in 1780 Hugh O’Moore of Longford, Castlepollard, in the County of Westmeath. The whole family were Catholics – held Gaelic allegiances to language and habit.
In 1653-65, Leinster was one of four equal land provinces of Ireland made-up by areas such as Kilkenny, assigned by the English parliament as security for soldiers and adventurers, Carlow and Kildare, retained as a government reservation and Queens, an area included in the plantations of the Catholic James I. The throne of England was, after James II, occupied by Mary and William of Orange – hence Irish Protestants becoming ‘Orangemen’. This reign effectively destroyed the Catholic landowning classes.
The aftermath of the Cromwellian plantation period found some Irish Catholic citizens selling-up, others quite demented by worry, some running away and others executed. The transportations completed finally in July 1655. There were many arrests for failing to transplant, in fact so many that the goals were full… hangings made spaces available until an excuse made to let some go. Those picked on were landowners not the landless. A few years later some of the new owners sold up to others who increased their grants by purchase to become the new ‘gentlemen’. It was a clearance of the old landowners, and even in Restoration times, things were never the same again – the old ways in Kilkeary superseded. Some old freeholders went to Irish counties whilst others went aboard, mainly to Spain and Holland – away from English influence changing their names and making a fresh start. By this time, the clan was almost non-existent.
In the Civil Survey of 1654-1656, the Parish of Kilkeary, spelt Kylkerry, showed even at that late stage spellings were not regularised, it also suggests that the parish was considerably larger containing several townships and parcels of land. The parish began at the ford of Bellasuillsane, at the river of Geagh, bounded with the parish of Kylnaneafe followed the river southward to Poellacholla, which adjoins Tampledony, Ballymacky, Grenanstowne and Lisbony. The parish described in the survey as having good arable meadows and pastures, several springs and a number of plough-lands. The Hearth Money Rolls indicate that several members of the family living in Co Tipperary started to use the English form of Ceary to retain their estates. They were better off under the Restoration settlement, for they received back three-fifths of their land. That was before the 1691 Jacobite War… by the end they had even less. Those of the family who retained their Gaelic native Irish name lived outside Clonmel’s walls.
Kilkeary Cross Roads is about five miles southwest of Toomyvara Abbey, a onetime Augustinian Priory dedicated to St. Mary founded sometime after 1140. The Ruined Abbey was possibly an earlier monastic centre dedicated to St. Donain. The priory was a daughter house of Monaincha Church strongly associated with the then ruling O’Meara dynasty. Donagh O’Meara built a castle here in 1541.
Many of the old gentry, including the O’Ciardha and the O’Kennedys evicted from their estates. In exchange they had been given ‘fractions’ – huts to live in, where they had to stay without possessions. One of the clans, the O’Kennedys of Ormond, had their ‘fraction’ confiscated in the Williamite wars – because forty-eight of the clan families wished to maintain their Gaelic inheritance… this did not go down well with the Anglo-Irish who expected them to conform. Other families, related to the old gentry, hid under another name for fear of losing what little they had managed to retain.
The O’Ciardha and O’Kennedys were not the only clans to live by deception. It is clear that few of the old families realigned back to their former allegiances. They had not been happy under the previous relationships and wanted to make a change. Some, of the elderly stayed at home and worked for their new masters, tilling their own land… others, wishing to leave allotted land in Connaught. In Ormond, the more adventurous gentry took refuge in the inaccessible valleys of Glenculloo between the Slieve Felim hills, from where their descendants still carried their dead, to the churchyard at Kilkeary.
In 1659, Kilkeary, in the barony of Upper Ormond, held 769 households with a population of about four thousand persons. Kilkeary was a direct grantee land made over to a new sitting owner James Dalton. Some years later, during the Restoration period, some of the transferred settlement land given, perhaps shared, in some cases bought back, by the old landowners. These old landowners included the O’Meara, O’Connor’s’ and, Charles and Antony O’Carroll. Catholics held twenty percent of land in Kilkeary, Toomevara and Nenagh. This percentage reduced during the 1700s. In Petty’s Census of 1659, the O’Ciardha made up the largest percentage living in the Baronies of Scrine, Co Meath and Ballybritt, south Offaly. The McCareys of Moycashel Barony, Westmeath were also in abundance.
Ireland was still massively a Catholic population ruled and given their laws by an Anglo-Irish hierarchy. The country’s link to Rome gave it its cultural base allied to the Continent through the Irish Colleges in France; the Italian military academies and those businesses engaged in overseas. To the English the Irish appeared a threat even though Ireland was a poorer cousin.
The Irish population in 1690, was now nearly two million and growing. Limerick was a prosperous seaport and used as bastion against British influence… it was the last to hold out. The Jacobites used the town and its river to retreat to… Limerick’s city walls held… but only just! William confiscated all the land belonging to those Catholics who later escaped to France. The result of the defeat was The Treaty of Limerick in 1691; it was the third great defeat. Thomas and Bridget Carey of Legbourne in 1692 saw the defeat of the Catholic cause. If considered people of repute – Protestants of good standing, some families allowed keeping their property. However, they had to accept English law. The Catholics, or those who kept Gaelic customs and language, were subject to Penal Laws.
At that time, there were a number of landholding and public office Acts that restricted the rights of Catholics – prevented them assuming state office and property. If an individual wished to ‘get on’- ‘improve his lot’, he had to go where there was money to be earned, skills learned, and property to be bought. Those goals accomplished by adopting or appearing to adopt the Protestant religion and by using a name translated into English.
This was the start of the Gaelic/Irish language, and name spelling, becoming abandoned and the more English ‘C’, ‘K’ and ‘ey’ used instead to spell Keary or Carey. By adopting these changes, a proactive move made to live in a settlement area, or to seek a new way of life abroad. Place names and map references also given the English form.
In the diocese of Killaloe, which included Kilkeary, there were only a few beneficed clergymen. Less who actually resided in the area? There were about three Catholic priests to one clergyman. Churches were not maintained allowing rotting roofs and broken walls to let in the damp and rain. This state – the paucity of the clergymen, also affected other church property, including glebe houses. Idleness was also recorded when it came to tithe collecting and ministering to their parishioners.
In the 1700s, there was an exodus from the countryside as there were few opportunities for the ambitious and capable. The landowners patronised the tenant farmers who at onetime had been self supporting – now relied upon handouts and loans because of the potato blight. The problems were so acute that stealing crops carried out, to survive and prevent children starving. Not long before generations of families had lived in harmony together, populating land not belonging to them with the knowledge that they would not be evicted… this was not the only time the English Parliament had taken their land away from them.
The O’Ciardha family had lost much in the confiscations, but some poor land kept as insurance – for hasher times ahead. Irish politicians blamed the depressed state of the economy to English restrictions on Irish trade. The poverty of the rural economy blamed on those who maintained pasturage instead of promoting the growing of seed and potatoes. The result being the shortness of tenures – farmers not expected to think long-term, for it was a hand to mouth existence. The local opinion as opposed to that of Dubliners was under the threat of the quaterage tax. This tax was about people who wished to pursue a profession or trade but for whatever reason, usually because they upheld the old Gaelic traditions, excluded from membership of the relevant guild. The annual pilgrimage to Lough Derg still went on although forbidden by law… the Church too, also frowned upon these acts of piety much to the chagrin of the local population who benefited from the additional circulating-cash.
Economic fluctuations prompted by taxation, which upset the normal domestic industry, particularly the cost of seed, potatoes and livestock, created unrest. Rebellion was in the air and tensions increased in rural areas releasing sectarian antipathies – there was a general collapse of Protestant morale – looking towards the Catholic majority, they were outnumbered. There were several threats both real and imaginary of invasion, rebellion and insurrection coming from France and Spain.
Tenant farmers, working from small farms in the diocese of Killaloe, mainly produced vegetables and corn, larger farms grazed cattle. Leases could last for up to forty years. Farmers made their own repairs and improvements, draining the land and rotating their crops. The landowners made sure their land worked so that it did not lie to waste and become overgrown. When a farm became vacant, the new lease ran according to periods of prosperity or want – in times of plenty they were short term. The result being, tenants did not keep back some of their produce to use as next years seed… nor did they have a planned rotation of crops or devise ways to improve the drainage by digging ditches and drains. If you cannot foresee a future, you might just as well live for the present…
In the mid 1750s, the poor majority in Ireland lived in utmost poverty. Their accommodation was squalid and their diets made up of potato, turnips and a little wheat, milk and on rare occasions beef. The population was increasing at an enormous rate… It was only the narrow coastal plain, which provided a market economy – where they managed to sell some of its produce. The poorer folk, living further inland – up in the hills, depended on a subsistence economy. High rents increasingly left unpaid, which generated debts – the result of which meant evictions. The property owners forced the poor to pay an ever-increasing amount for rent; the interest rates on owed money continued to rise. The whole system discouraged improvements in property and proper farm management, particularly towards land drainage and any sort of saving – as a cushion for poor harvests. It was a self-generating national disaster, which seemed to be unstoppable – and as it turned out, was!
About this time Dianiel O’Cary, adopted the Protestant religion and, wishing to anglicise his name still further – in order to make a distinction between the families, asked for a meeting with the then head of the family, to declare an oath whereby he would reassume the spelling of Keary – removing the prefix O and the use of C. Many of the Irish began to look beyond their local areas for employment. The more adventurous found that America and the Caribbean offered them more hope.
America became an important land for Irish immigrant labour. The life appealed too many – for its religious nonconformity and political independence. The American war of Independence started in 1775 and was an inspiration to many of the Irish poor to get back at the English. O’Halloran, an Irish historian, writing three years later gave O’Meara as Lord Chief of an ancient house, descended from the O’Briens. Many of the O’Ciardha clan joined in his service with the Irish Brigade. A number started to use the anglicised form of O’Carey, or O’Cary more often at the end of the eighteenth century.
In the late 1770s, there was a widespread agricultural crisis. This was not the first time that this problem had arisen. The national food crop, had declined – poor harvests, low cattle prices, high cost of wheat, potatoes and milk. All this, felt before. The massive problem for Ireland was that the population relied upon a staple crop of potatoes whereas the English relied upon bread as the staple diet. Corn was relatively simple to import and had a better shelf life. Potatoes needed careful handling from a suitable source being a difficult commodity to ship.
The enclosure movement caused further resentment, rents increased yet again and there was a decline in wages – inflation was rife. A number of militant movements raised popular passions – to influence the landowners and government – to reduce rents… all to no avail. Taxation, tithes, rents and church dues were a continual grievance.
Commercial cotton spinning and weaving introduced into Ireland in 1777. Three years later modern machines and expertise – brought over from England, established an enterprise, which gave employment to many unemployed folk in towns and villages. This was the start of the great Irish linen industry. The latest steam engines imported from England to provide power for many of the mills… no longer did the manufacturers have to rely upon water to drive their wheels. These engines required coal and allied services that in themselves created new business ventures…, which prospered, initiating further capital expenditure. Heavy industries like mining, iron and steel producers, pottery manufactures, tanning, glass ware and coach building all needed raw materials… delivered by road, canal, river and ports… These large building projects needed capital investment. Investors saw the opportunity to make a profit – they could see the outcome of an abundance of cheap labour and the profitability created by those first cotton mills.
This was the time rural populations in village and town showed a remarkable turn inwards – towards uniting – engaging in shared interests. These rural folk were in the main Catholics and spoke Gaelic, keenly aware that the city workers were ‘a set apart’ from their life in the village. Sporting events, fairs, markets, wakes, funerals, cockfights, hunting and field events abounded. These gatherings united people and stimulated political thought. Gradually the unrest grew until eventually nightly political meetings arranged. In Tipperary, Neath and Limerick under the pretext of hurling and playing football, crowds gathered, bands played, shouts were heard and fights broke out…these events confirmed Catholic strength and highlighted resident disaffection.
Tipperary held a Protestant minority of 1627 families against 16,465 Catholics. The population survived on animal holdings and small vegetable plots. This pastoral land needed agricultural improvements. Population unrest promoted groups of Catholic workers to form a movement towards – a revolt against the Protestant landowner’s. This gave way to the Tithe War in the 1830s.The early event occurred in Cashel. The population had increased which made the matter worse. Violence broke out and pitched battles fought. In the original O’Ciardha clan lands of north Tipperary. The local gentry pushed the poor from their homes to increase land yields. There were no jobs, those out of work moved out to the nearest towns. Eight-hundred, Protestant families left for Canada at the start of the century… at the end of the century the flow of emigrants went to Australia and New Zealand. In most parishes including Kilkeary, the famine reduced the population by one third between 1841 and 1851.
Protestants feared the worst barricaded their houses on fair days and remained indoors. United Irishmen and Orangemen took to using these outings to start airing grievances, which always led to fights. There was a general exodus from the country to the town. Dublin grew at a tremendous pace.
Margaret Kearey’s second son Thomas Padrick married Julia, daughter of Roderick Murphy of Castledermot in Kildare, who had four sons the eldest being named Thomas, as was the custom. He was the first of this family to stop using the prefix ‘O’ and to begin using the name of Keary. He married Mary, daughter of John Keogh of Castlepollard, an agricultural town in Westmeath, in 1815. John died in Dublin 1836, interred in the churchyard of Artane.
Thomas, son of Christopher Carey, and brother of William, Mathew and James…owned a newspaper in Dublin. He was sympathetic to the cause of united free Ireland printing stories about absentee property owners and the terrible conditions rural folk lived in. These articles produced attacks from The Establishment who accused him of printing seditious stories. Thomas tried at the Kings Bench and acquitted. The ruling body continued to hound him and force his printing business to close down.
The whole family involved in the printing trade as either reporters or tradesmen. Mathew Carey 1785-1824, internationally known as a publisher. Born in Dublin in 1760, indentured, to serve his apprenticeship as a letterpress printer – made-up the sticks of type to be clamped into the forme. Later, befriended by Benjamin Franklin, immigrated to America where he married Miss Flavahan, devoting all his energies to the publication of the Douay Version of the Bible, founding the first American Sunday School Society and becoming one of America’s greatest publishers.
Dublin, the one-time capital of the northern Celts was, by the turn of the century, the second biggest city in the British Isles and one of the largest cities in Europe. The most industrious and wealthy areas of Ireland were those closest to the English mainland; and in the middle of that coastline was Dublin, the seat of power – the legal centre and administrative capital. Its population contained the greatest number of professionals, guildsmen, artisans, journeymen and apprentices. This intellectual power gives a reason why Dublin was the centre of such unrest and revolution. The final straw was the drought of 1781.
Later, a marvellous engineering scheme put into place, the construction of a great canal and series of locks to join Dublin to the River Shannon. This feat opened up the interior and controlled water distribution to the central plains eliminating the fear of future droughts. Ireland was now an independent country but sharing a common monarch. In reality, many ties were there to check true self-government – never workable.
In 1790, the Act of Union saw London replace Dublin as the centre of political power for the Irish. By 1797, The United Irishmen were a powerful force in Leinster and plans made to have a general uprising. Oaths taken to ensure a committed gathering, which included trades people, shopkeepers and many of the middle class. The Orange Order objected and mass atrocities perpetuated.
In the 1800s, Kilkeary Parish entered, by Ireland’s Ordnance Survey, as lying to the north of Co. Tipperary between Nenagh, Cloghjordan and Templemore, bounded to the east by Clonlisk in Kings. The Church Parish is the basic area over which a parish priest or minister presides usually conforming to the civil boundary. Catholic parish boundaries are usually larger and do not conform to civil boundaries. The Diocese is the area presided over by a Bishop containing many parishes.
St. Ciardha’s Church [Cill Cheire] lay near the centre of the Barony of Upper Ormond, situated one and a half miles southeast of Toomevara. [The barony contained 14 Parishes described as ‘a small parish chiefly under cultivation with the nearby village of Toomevara, declaring 790, inhabitants – nearest large settlement. Fairs held on Whit-Monday, July 27th, September 29th and November 4th for cattle, corn and butter. The nearest large town is Nenagh five miles northwest along the T21. An agricultural town important to the Anglo-Norman settlement. There are remains of the Franciscan Friary, which the O’Kennedys founded c. 1240, which Cromwell’s forces destroyed in 1650. The castle was built by the Butlers its circular keep of four stories rises to 100 ft. the builder probably Theobald Fitzwalter, the 1st Butler of Ormond. The ruined priory of St. John to the southeast a 15th century rebuilding of an earlier structure founded by Theobald Walter Butler in 1200.
In 1818, although there were a number of the family who used the Keary spelling this was the first time that ‘ey’ used in Ireland and it is to Patrick and Mary [nee Lonergan] we find recorded, initiating the event. Unfortunately, it did not last long; they removed the ‘e’ five years later. By the 1820s, the Irish language had all but disappeared from the area.
A common addition to Irish names is having an ‘O’ or ‘Mac’ or ‘Mc’ prefix all meaning son of. During the 18th and 19th centuries, when thought beneficial to assume greater Englishness, these prefixes dropped. By the latter half of the 19th Gaelic heritage became something to be proud – a prefix a way of displaying Irishness. Later in the twentieth century, prefixes eventually restored.
With the passing of a few more years Carey [with or without the ‘e’], Carew and Keary, seem an almost interchangeable choice by family members recorded in the Powerstown RC register. By the 1850s, Griffith’s Primary Valuation gives 68 Kear[e]y households in all of Ireland…
Powerstown lies in the civil parish of Kilgrant in the barony of Iffa and Offa East between Clonmel and the village of Kilsheelan. As in North Tipperary, Offaly and Westmeath, these spellings became common variants of O’Ciardha.
It is difficult from this distance to comprehend the importance the spelling makes to the use of one’s name. However, records prove that it does prompted no doubt by strong reasons at the time. Even today, some family members feel free to use the Gaelic form whilst others use the anglicized version.
The amount of farmland in Ireland was now unable to feed the expanding population. This fact occurred in almost all regions, not just in the rich more industrial sectors with the greatest labour force. The problems stemmed from the way land controlled by rents and tithes. Tenure was restricted so that farmers budgeted and planned for short-term gain. This did not bode well for economic rotation of crops; the construction of land drainage ditches; the removal of stone from the fields or the latest views on animal husbandry; the use of better soil management to increase fertility was much talked about.
The landowners, the property owners and the absentee property agents, skimmed the profits off the country’s wealth. Most of the money found its way towards the rich English boroughs and aristocracy. It was a case of negligence, ignorance and lack of care on the part of local and national governments in both England and Ireland. The potatoes blight finished off what the poor economy had started.
This was the age of large families. A percentage of young people not long out of school would have to travel far to find and be trained for work. Local recourses could not sustain such large numbers and houses were in short supply. By 1851, the time of Britain’s Great Exhibition, over fifty per-cent of the Irish population was living more than a couple of miles from their birthplace. Thereafter, for the next hundred years conflagration took place as the drift to the cities and towns in the east became a flood. People wanted work, money, and housing. The advent of the bicycle made travelling to work easier and the coming of the railways added to the distance travelled. This influx into towns and cities drew the migrant workforce not with just the need to earn money or to find housing but to be progressive – it was exciting for the young and job options plentiful and varied. When human habitation becomes crowded, a release of tension has to take place if not troubles became inflamed and emigration became a necessity – an escape route – to give hope and a new life. It was during this period that families split apart and the old order trampled on; the young took their energy, enthusiasm and fortitude elsewhere.
‘O’Hart’s Irish Pedigrees of 1887, pp499, gives the ‘Keary’ family as MacCeachraigh of Galway as distinct from Carey. [Mac and Mc means the same as O – son of] Keating’s history gives the family as being numerous in Mayo and Sligo and recites: ‘there are other anglicized forms of the Gaelic name: the extinct Mac Fhiachra or Mac Fhearadhaigh, formally both of Tyrone and Galway, the synonym of Kerin [O’Ceirin or O’Ciarain] in Mayo and Cork. The English form of Mac Giolla Céire [Giolla means boy] further corrupted in Carr – [O’Carra and Mac Giolla Chathair] in Galway and Donegal, and Mac Chathair in Co. Donegal. Carey more likely found in Cork, Kerry and Tipperary although Keary abounds in Nenagh.
There are a small number of Gaelic Irish, mainly in Cork, Galway and Dublin, who still use the old family name of O’Ciardha. However, those who use Keary [recorded today by the place named Kilkeary] rather than Carey live in southwest Ireland and Dublin. When the Normans, Parliamentarians and Anglo-Irish forced the Gaelic Irish off their ancient clan lands, it was to mainly western areas they went, Galway, Kerry and Cork.
Keary’s ancestral Farm, Ballyleen, Tynagh Parish, Galway. The rural outlying farm situated a few miles from Pallas Castle. Tynagh is a quiet village famous for traces of mineral deposits of silver, copper and lead. Lies between Loughs Rea and Derg near the town of Danury and the River Cappagh… that flows into Lough Derg.
It would seem that it was mainly immigrants to America, England and its Empire, at the turn of the eighteenth century, who used Kear[e]y… the more Anglicized form. Those worldwide who use the Carey form are however, more numerous. There was a harness maker, named Thomas Keary living in Ballybough Bridge, given the vote in Dublin in 1832. This may give a link to the coach makers working in Keary’s Lane, Dublin, at the turn of the nineteenth century. This lane was near North Street, Strand and Annesley Place
John McDermot Research Investigations of Dublin looked deeply into Anglican records to find a link left behind by Thomas Kearey b.1791, concluding his parents may have been James and Mary Keary, or Ceary, or other variants, of Glasnevin, who moved away to St. Paul’s parish early 1722. Thomas left Keary’s Lane – St. Thomas – Mountjoy Ward, Co. Dublin (North), in 1816, for the docks, the setting off point for the immigrants, mostly to land at Liverpool. From there a regular coach service to London and other chief cities, where there was work to be found. If London bound, then it was to Westminster you went, ‘The Rookeries’ where cheap lodging found – perhaps with relatives. Thomas Kearey arrived there in about 1816, with his bag of tools ready to start a new life.
The family had often discussed the social problems caused by living in a divided society split by class, land ownership and religious intolerance. They had known other families who looked to the New World to give them a new start. That was too much of a gambol for him. Thomas pressed his parents to let him take his chances in London where many Irishmen had found employment.
Believing that London provided the closest living conditions similar to his own in Dublin he voiced the opinion that it would be there that would offer the best chances especially his skill smelting metals and shaping them. His parents blessed his resolve although hated having to find someone else to take his place.
Leaving his mother Mary and father James to carry on the business. He hoped that prosperity lay ahead, for there was nothing in Ireland but trouble and strife. Little did he know that for the rest of the clan and all his fellow compatriots there was worse to come, particularly in Dublin.
Ireland was in rebellion and Britain at war. Britain was in a period of economic growth stimulated by war with France. Now was the time to exploit the need for skilled workers for the new industrialized society.
Thomas’ skills, working with precious metals, carried over to working with tin and lead – metals more closely allied to the home – servicing water-tanks, pipes, buckets, cauldrons washing and cooking pots and all other metal containers. Not only was he skilful shaping metal but also had knowledge of joinery and the manufacture of carts. He described himself as a gold refiner able to work in most metals. Today his craft maybe better described as those of a tinsmith, and smelter – an extractor of metal from an ore.
The O’Ciardha clan originally occupied the hills and lowlands on the east side of Lough Derg. The ore washed down from those hills would have been a combination of any number of metals. It would not be surprising to find local people adept at smelting that ore and either coating hammered out sheets of metal with tin, or combining tin and copper to make bronze or smelting lead and tin to make pewter. The smelter of one ore would be knowledgeable enough to work with any number of base or precious metals. Tin ware was an expanding industry particularly in the new-fangled piping of water and laying gas lines. The tinsmiths were in demand ever since the previous century when small businesses sprung up making London’s journeymen and apprentices incorporated by 1670.
The skills of a whitesmith was more concerned with cutting, shaping and hammering-out sheet metal, making joints and seams… using a mixture of lead and tin to make solder – to give a watertight joint. He may have worked in silver making jewellery. However, when working in London it was highly unlikely that Thomas would have been working with this expensive metal. He would have been devoting all his energies working with lead and tin in a household environment, making and repairing pipes and cooking pans, pots and utensils for a working population.
He was quite prepared to seek work of a more mundane kind – to start afresh… hopefully, with better prospects for long-term employment… especially after taking the plunge to leave home. His family, having gone through years of persecution, exploitation, and finally eviction, now had to split up and find their own way, away from the country they loved.
When the Irish immigrant travelled to London, he made for Westminster…it was here that he felt most at home. The Irish populated Soho and the surrounding street and alleyways. There are many written accounts about St Giles-in-the-Fields, in the early 1800s, appearing as a maze of cellars and tenements based on the boundaries of St Giles High Street, Bainbridge Street and Dyott Street. This was about the time that gas lighting first installed in London, initially in Pall Mall.
Within the area about St Giles, New Oxford Street was developed…to lay waste to the slums of Church Lane, Maynard Street, Carrier Street, Ivy Lane and Church Street, which was a mass of courts, alley ways and hiding places. These countless tenements were described as ‘Rookeries’ or perhaps as ‘Little Dublin’ or The Holy Land’ – whatever, as an area populated by the Irish.
The area of Westminster, Tothill Street, York Street, and Castle Lane was another locality given the deriding term – connecting Oxford Street and Holborn… the area of the abandoned of both sexes. The whole area sold for redevelopment by private contract in 1844. Even today’s congested streets and heavy traffic does not suitably depict the area of that time… the noise, the horses, shouts, cries of the passing traders, street urchins darting here and there, the sandwich men, the dust, dirt, droppings, puddles and stench… all underfoot. The omnibuses disgorged passengers, ponderous wagons turned down narrow lanes completely blocking them forcing all to proceed ahead of them to burst out into the street at the other end described as a howling wilderness.
To Thomas, Georgian London must have seemed intimidating. He was here to escape poverty. His bad of tools, at one time a mark of industry – now the bag felt like a burglars haul. However, it was no good berating his bad luck he just had to make a go of it… he was not ready to throw in the towel. Now he had adopted an English spelling for his name he could not face the scorn of the rest of the family by going back.
It was there, shortly after taking lodgings, in 1818, that he met and courted Ester Pepler, eventually marrying her on the 17th October 1819, at St Anne’s Church, Soho… fathering two boys and five girls.
Hester was born and christened in 1794 in Great Stanmore; a small village on the outskirts of North London, just off the Great North Road, and died, March 1872 in Westminster at the age of 79, buried at the same church she was married in sixty years before. Hester’s mother before marriage named Mary Collins. It would be interesting if she were any relation to the Collins of Chard.
In 1816, the building of the Grand Junction branch canal excavated on the Paddington Estate. At the same time, houses built along its banks to furnish the builders with homes. In 1801, there were only 324 houses in Paddington; this was a time of expansion in keeping with the canals and the development of steam engines. Connaught Place in 1807 saw the development of Tyburnia between Edgware Road and the Uxbridge Road. A couple of years later the degradation mounted causing concern… not before time. By then Paddington had 879, inhabited houses to give shelter to 4,609 persons. It was not long before Paddington acquired a terrible reputation. The area on the north side of the Paddington and Marylebone Estates was as far as the more reasonable living conditions stretched… for the time being! Beyond that lay mean streets, alleyways, huts, reservoirs, wharves and warehouses. The building of the Great Western Railway reinforced this division in the 1830s with its terminus and goods station. Land between the railway and canal intersected by Harrow Road deteriorated into slums. A large percentage of those living there were displaced Irishmen.
This whole area was a development site. The people gradually pushed out, whole estates raised to the ground and builders moved in. It became a period for massive building projects, made the way for the prosperous suburbs of Bayswater, Paddington, and Kensington, when rich trade’s people, developers, merchants, and professional men followed the gentry into taking over the new homes giving a further boost to the area with their lavish life styles. Westbourne became the place to be, reaching to the southern end of Westbourne Green. By 1860, the feverish pitch of building started to end. Thirty years of rapid development
Thomas and Ester’s eldest son, born 1820 in St. Giles, Middlesex, named Thomas – as was the custom. He was my great-grandfather and trained, after leaving school, as a whitesmith and tinsmith taking over much of the trade from his father. He married Hanna Raybould in 1841, when she was twenty-one St Andrew by the Wardrobe, Holborn. It estimated 1,000 Irish paupers entering London each week, congregating around this area, all seeking work.
The ‘railway age’ started in 1825 when Thomas was five, almost every part of the country was covered. It was very unusual for anyone to work in a factory that employed more than ten people for this was the average staff content of most stately homes and people were just not used to controlling more. It seems strange that businesses had this almost mental limit for group practices. The railways broke this barrier. The rapid decline in agricultural work. The operation of the Corn Laws, which blocked the import of foreign produce, ensured that farmers received a better rate of pay for their harvests. Only about a third of the population lived in large towns or cities but this was soon to change as industrialization took hold. The government restrictions on the employment of women and children, although resisted by the working classes. The Factory Acts ensured a fixed working week and day; even so, a fourteen-hour day was still expected. This reduced to ten later in the century. Schooling for all ages was a matter for individual parents to decide what was best. There was no co-ordination between competing educational establishments. Only about fifty per-cents of adults could sign their names.
Thomas’s brother, William, 1837–1902, sixth child of Thomas and Ester, was born the same year Queen Victoria came to the throne. He became a much-respected Westminster City Councillor for fourteen years – about the same time the London County Council was established. He was a coal merchant, baker and boot merchant [his wife’s father was a Leather Dealer]. During his two marriages, he had fifteen children – four of the births are recorded in St Anne’s Church, Soho, [St Anne’s Church was the same church Thomas was married in eighteen years before] nine of William’s children had connections with the Borough of Brompton where they were all born. There is a plaque erected in Westminster City Hall in his honour for his, ‘loyal and faithful work to the people of Westminster particularly the poor’.
William’s father Thomas, immigrated to England from Ireland in about 1812 by that time Kilkeary Parish recorded situated in Upper Ormond, four miles south-west of Nenagh of 2,524 acres, containing 662 inhabitants. It lay twenty-seven miles from Limerick, in County Tipperary in the diocese of Killalo. Kilkeary and Ballynaclough formed a benefice linked to ‘the deanery’. The deanery endowed with sufficient capital to provide the enlarged parish with a private school capable of providing education for 70 local children. The farmed land alone brought in tithes amounting to £120, which went towards the rector’s stipend. The growing strength of the British economy had an effect not only on Irish manufacturing but also in siphoning off capital from Ireland’s farming community. Thomas’s’ move away was precipitant for when his son William was eight years old the people of Kilkeary were locked in famine conditions. Gradually the eldest boys of poor families in Ireland moved into the cities… thereafter making their way to Dublin and onwards to England and London. It was a desperate situation alleviated by the new industrial society – its quest for power and need for swifter transportation… accomplished by construction of better roads the birth of canal navigation and the manufacture of bricks and steel. The invention of steam locomotion and the construction of the railway network added to the demand for even more coal. Once this movement was afoot – the gravitation from a rural existence to town and city life coupled with the invention of machines to mass produce everyday products there was no stopping the need to continue the process. Fortunately, there was sufficient labour available…
The 1841 census of London registered nearly two million citizens. Three years later parts of Soho described as ‘a sort of petty France’. French immigrants predominately owned most shop; there were schools, wine shops and restaurants mostly catering to ‘the French’. The proximity of ‘The Rookeries’, in St Giles and elsewhere, gave ‘foreignness’ to this whole neighbourhood of London. None of this mattered to the new citizens. They were only interested in earning money to pay for food and board. Other niceties could come along later. Agricultural workers made redundant; a rapid change became obvious in the countryside. Only just over twenty per-cent of the population worked on the land the difference felt by the industrial towns and cities as people began to flood in. Construction – the making of things not just building, took half of Britain’s labour force. Free Trade was now the call in all but agriculture. In 1842, the budget introduced income tax. Although declared a temporary measure never removes taking the place of tariffs.
There was scarcely any drainage or sewerage, where the gullies were open a foot or more of offal, garbage, dung and sand overlapped the sides, buckets of human waste still thrown out of upstairs windows adding to the indescribable mess and stench. The corpses of the poorest just thrown into open marshland around St Bride’s Church. On Wednesdays, the ground opened up again to receive more bodies. Low-lying districts often flooded resulting in the Great Stink of 1858. Many Irish immigrants were engaged in the construction of the new sewer system. Labourers paid in 1859, 18s a week, skilled workers double that and engineers, the latest skill to be picked-up and developed – by associated tradesmen, 35-37 shillings.
Most of the meat bought and sold came from the principle market at Smithfield – where in two days of trade 5,000 cattle, 30,000 sheep and 2,000 pigs traded. They all had to walk there and depart, when sold, through the streets whether in frost or snow, sun or rain, driven with shouts and calls by the drovers – to the excited screams of the watching children keeping clear of the long horned cattle and butting rams.
In Regents Park and Hyde Park, opened to the public in the 1840s, the wealthy drove along the avenues in their carriages served by powdered attendants displaying their beautiful horses and splendid equipment… past herds of cattle, sheep and goats and the populace going about their normal business, with elegant women in satin and lace twirling their parasols. A scene that emphasised the difference, not only between the several layers of social structure in England, but also demonstrated the uncaring attitude they had for what was happening in Ireland – in a land controlled by accident, birth right, eviction and brutality.
Back in Ireland in the mid and latter part of nineteenth century, the state was still ‘a source of great anxiety to the English parliament.’ Ireland had been invaded and conquered several times but never mastered… it was still hostile to England, even more so after the famine. The remaining clan members based around the ancient family lands in the Ormond’s’ suffered like everyone else by the potato famine. Bands of starving men roamed the county, begging for food, trying to find work. In Nenagh, County Tipperary, the Board of Works’ Inspecting Officer reported on October 31st. “Gentlemen from Relief Committees are continually filling up places for work to the extent that there are no places left and people are dying from hunger”. Mr Bayly, Chairman of the Board of Guardians, attacked… fearful of ‘being shot!’ The town was in an uproar. The 8th. Royal Irish Hussars provided an escort for the Judge of Assizes; they only allowed filtering through the barricades, one at a time. The Bishop of Killaloe refused to take action and led twenty parishes, amongst them Kilkeary, into armed insurrection.
The full force of the potato famine was experienced in Ireland, not only did this checked the recent population growth but further prompted immigration. The potato blight left much of the agricultural community without their basic food. The British government’s efforts to bring about relief were very inadequate and between one and 1.5 million people died. Queen Victoria was averse to declaring a public Day of Fast in 1847 for the famine in Ireland. The Government decided to advise her that it would be a proper gesture. The 1854 Day of Humiliation was the only Fast Day.
In the latter half of the nineteenth century, Kilkeary Parish covered an area of 2,272 statute acres, which provided for a population of 345 inhabitants made up out of 59 families. Prior to the Great Famine, as numerated, there were 698 persons all told divided up from an equal number of families. The old Kilkeary School stood on land owned by the Cash family less than half a mile from Kilkeary Cross.
Between 1841 and 1911, 1 million individuals left Ireland for British cities. There was little choice: it was either selective depopulation by frantic emigration or fever and death by staying put. Eventually many of the remaining Keary clan left as immigrants – boarding ship to Liverpool… eventually move to London, which held the greatest number, followed by Glasgow and Cardiff. The remainder boarded ship bound for the new colonies. Children of nine or ten still worked a full twelve hour day and women worked on the land, their children looked after by the workers in turn even in the vilest of weathers.
After the worst of the potato famine was over the reduced population became better able to support itself. Gradually the harvests improved as the land reworked. The number of children born to a marriage in Ireland was always high. The couples were mostly young which gave rise to high fertility. After the Famine, the rate of marriage fell, as did the fertility – well below that of Britain. The later marriage and greater control spaced children apart. Couples making joint decisions about the size of their families according to what they could afford bought about this. Increased health education and a greater knowledge about illnesses improved the mortality rate. Some people were now living to fifty and it was felt morbidity started to increase as the mortality rate decreased.
There was a move towards starting a new life abroad, particularly to America. Eventually America held a greater number of Irish – more than Ireland itself…and this was particularly true of the Kearey clan. Still, we are concerned here with that part of the family, which chose England to make a new start, those who used the ‘K’ and ‘ey’ form of spelling the name.
My grandfather Alfred Kearey was born 13th. April 1854 in Sutton Street, Kensington. He was the third son of Thomas and Hannah, nee Raybould. His eldest brother named Thomas in accordance with family tradition, which went back many centuries, was the last ‘eldest son’ to be so named.
Giving up this tradition demonstrates the need to cast off any connection with the past. Any recognition or acceptance of past allegiances washed away – to start afresh and take on board a new life, which London had to offer.
It was during Alfred’s time at school that he witnessed the almost total development of the entire railway network servicing London. It was this expansion of the railways, after the building of the canals, which soaked up the Irish migrant workers. Steam tugs started to arrive on the Thames in 1848. The hay and straw for London’s vast horse population came down the river in barges with the tide. Those same barges loaded with manufactured goods to take them to the ships lying beyond the bridges in the Pool of London -= to where clipper ships were moored.
The mainline stations were like palaces catering for vast crowds of excited travellers. The railways became a conduit of communication and commerce. One hundred thousand people displaced in the process. When Alfred left school, he became an apprenticed to a house painter and stainer, a skill that was in great demand… London was experiencing a massive growth in land development.
It was only a few years previously that London Bridge Station opened shortly before Euston a time of enormous expansion to the extent that 6.7 per cent of British income was invested in railway shares. Fenchurch Street station was the first station built within the city. By 1852, King’s Cross operated sixteen years before St Pancras and by 1870, the main railway network covered England.
On 20th March 1860, Thomas Kearey, the one-time gold refiner, died aged seventy, having suffered from diarrhoea for a period of five weeks. His wife Mary died three weeks later. Both deaths due mainly by poor sanitation and the lack of clean water. Both laid out, as was the custom, at their home in Nassau Street, Soho, in the district of St. Anne’s Westminster.
In 1861, there were one hundred and seventy eight thousand Irish immigrants in London – nearly all of them were Catholics accommodated in concentrations based around Holborn, St. Giles, Whitechapel and Southwark. Nine years later, there were more Catholics in London and Rome than in Dublin. Engles described London as having ‘indescribable’, ‘countless ships’, ‘endless lines of vehicles’, hundreds of steamers’, and hundreds of thousands of ‘streets, classes, alleys and courts’, all with a ‘nameless misery’. In the 1871 census, there were nearly two million servants in London.
It is not surprising that the railways ran where the poor lived. The inhabitants suddenly uprooted…whole streets dispossessed…for no suitable accommodation provided. The Metropolitan Railway destroyed 1,000 houses in the slums, which made homeless 20,000. This caused considerable unrest until housing societies opened. Peabody Building opened in 1864 they were five-stories high round a central courtyard. Later there were estates in Islington, Shadwell and Chelsea and more built during the following ten-year period.
The first water closets installed around the time of the Great exhibition in 1851, within half a dozen years 200,000 were flowing – previously earth closets or buckets used emptied by the night-soil men who emptied the cesspits selling the contents to farmers on the outskirts of the city. Like the dustmen, the job could be financially worthwhile and sometimes double the rate charged for night’s work. Refuse was removed by the two-man teams shouting ‘dust oy-eh’ loading up their high-sided carts to be deposited at the dust-yards. It was at the dust-yards that sifters worked; teams of women, sorting out the rubbish for the result to be sold-on, nothing thrown away.
Men ruled the household and set the standard… women carried the plan through. Men were out at work whilst their partners maintained the home and family – made the decisions that made up their social circle. Both Hannah, my great grandmother, and Martha my grandmother, were strong characters and strict disciplinarians who supported their husbands. The houses, their large families lived in, were rented, as the majority of properties. People either paid weekly rents or offered leases. Ninety percent of all accommodation lived in under these conditions. It considered ‘useful’ to be able to move quickly as work became available. The houses were small, which demanded good housekeeping and a disciplined order to life.
This was a time of expansion in all building trades as more estates built to house the vast numbers of new city dwellers, mainly terraced blocks, where you could not tell one house from the next. There was a gradual movement away from the city centre into the suburbs not only to seek fresh air but ‘a better way of life’. Victorian life was one of segregation and classification; home as apart – private and guarded. Local municipal regulations stipulated certain standards for street planning, parks, community amenities and building details. There was an enormous difference between the social classes all living within a few hundred yards of each other.
This was a time the streets were filled with an incessant stream of horse-drawn, motor driven and steam propelled traffic all limited to twelve miles per hour. There were no traffic lights, one-way streets, circles or rights-of-way; it was all subject to the speed of the horse and its vagaries. The omnibuses were mainly for the middle-classes where women travelled inside and the men climbed a ladder to sit on a bench seat on the top…later versions had a staircase inside which led to the exposed roof.
There were two kinds of omnibuses, the light-green Atlas and the dark-green City Atlas. The light green, with two horses in hand, served particular routes with a first class compartment. The dark-green ran a return journey every hour…both had iron-shod wheels and curtains at the windows. The driver clad in his old-fashioned cape and tall felt hat, driving three horses abreast in bad weather, carried a load of twenty-two passengers under cover from Paddington, via the Yorkshire Stingo, to the Bank. A newspaper provided to pass the time of day and the conductor called the route. He stood to the left of the door holding onto his strap signalling to the driver by banging on the roof. One of his jobs was to bend down and help women with their whalebone hoops onto the step and through the narrow doorway. A women’s clothing weighed almost forty pounds and when saturated they found walking difficult. The men passengers who climbed the iron ladder and sat on the ‘knife-board’ a central bench running lengthways either side of a backrest. Passengers sat back-to-back with their feet against the roofs edge, on a footboard. It was no joy for women either: they had to contend with parasols, umbrellas sticks, canes, and numerous parcels. The rumbling, swaying, jerking and jolting set your-teeth-on-edge: the possibility of fleas, nits, colds, crushed toes and pickpockets all contributed to an uncomfortable experience. There were a number of turnpike gates that had to be negotiated – one at Marylebone another at Lisson Grove and a third at Great Portland Street. It was possible to stop the omnibus at any point along the route. There was no fixed charge and speed sacrificed for profit. ‘pea-souper’ fogs – which were plentiful – which further slowed progress continually interrupted what timetables were attempted. Even when there was no visible fog the soot, particles in the air created a diffused light and soiled clothing.
Traffic jams were a daily nuisance. The passage of animals and scurrying cabs made reasonable progress impossible. Paths and pavements congested to the extent that they became so smooth from scurrying folk that workers were engaged to roughen them. There were nearly eighty main toll-bars and a hundred minor ones – charges mainly paid by tradesmen; tolls not removed until 1864. The main roads faced with granite blocks [setts] later replaced with tarred blocks, which proved dangerous under water or in winter frosts.
Street seller abounded selling baked-potatoes, oysters, sheep’s trotters or stewed eels. The butchers and their assistants were always recognisable in their stripped, blue and white aprons and smocks. They would be taking their orders for the day. Later, the butchers’ boys would deliver the order with the customer’s name skewered to the joint. The baker delivered his pies, buns and bread daily and the milkman conveyed his milk by yoked pail; potboys sold beer. There were orange sellers near theatres, pie-men, sherbet sellers, muffin-men, cockles and mussels, cats meat men, watercress [came from Camden Town and watered by running water from the River Fleet], cherries and strawberry girls, herbs, apples, matches, sandwiches and flower girls. It was normal to have eight-year-old girls clad in a thin cotton dress, with an equally thin shawl round her shoulders, out in all weathers selling produce off a tray slung round her neck. Shoeblacks, dripping sellers and knife-grinders; chairs were mended on the street, pots were beaten and soldered and sweeps shouted that their boys ‘climbed narrower chimneys’. Many of these vendors had their own calls by voice and bell. The street sweepers employed by the parish to give some employment to otherwise idle youths, foundlings and those poor unfortunates who were disabled. Sometimes they worked in pairs sweeping the horse droppings and waste into piles, picked up later by a horse and cart. All roads cleared from droppings sold to farms skirting the city boundary.
By the 1880s barrel organs, piano organs and the hurdy-gurdy man accompanied by his monkey, played in the streets. Dancing bears and performing dogs and the one-man-band who clashed his cymbals. The Punch and Judy man, puppeteer visited their pitch on a set rotation. The organ grinder travelled to wherever a crowd gathered – outside the theatres.
Water piped for mass use in the mid-c19th. It came from the mains supply in the street then by lead pipes into the scullery or kitchen. The supply was intermittent – early on in its inception, the water ran for only one hour every day, three days a week and never on Sundays. It was not until the turn of the century that a constant supply was available on demand.
Many children went bare footed sleeping in alleyways, beneath bridges and under railway arches. The Metropolitan or Underground railway had carriages lit by gas lamps, the tracks provided a smooth and comfortable journey compared to the swaying jerking progress of a horse drawn carriage. The stations, platforms and bridges mainly built of brick, as were the embankments and tunnels. The provision of construction material carted to the various sites for railways use competed with material for house construction. It was a massive undertaking making the already overcrowded city into an even greater hive of industry.
In the middle of the nineteenth century, the middle and upper classes could not have existed without servants… from maids-of-all-work upwards to cook, governess and housekeeper… for men: both in or out of livery, gardener, footmen, coachmen and butler. One in six women was servants and a high percentage hired on a daily basis.
There are many accounts about poor social and living conditions in Victorian Britain. All are very interesting but far too general for we are more concerned about north London – north of the river Thames. To pin point the area more precisely, northwest London, around Bayswater and Paddington. In the period that introduces the Kearey’s’ to this place, just after The Great Exhibition of 1850, there were green fields not far away… hedges, woods and trees lined the roads and tracks.
Still, we must not get ahead of ourselves. Bayswater or Bayswatering as spelt on Rocque’s 1748 map lies due south of Christ Church. St. James Church built and made parochial in 1845. It was new, being part rebuilt with the exception of the tower and spire. The pest house indicated so prominently on the map was almost on the site of Craven Terrace Chapel. Lord Craven gave a site at Soho to the city – to be allocated for use as a burial ground… knowing the problems faced by the citizens during the plague of 1665, land for a cottage hospital too. The streets of Paddington not conveniently built for those walking. The pedestrian had to travel the whole length for the lack of a side street before moving to a parallel terrace. Further, northwards, on the west side of Petersburgh Place is the church of St, Matthew, built with a very high spire consecrated on May 20th 1882, the church had seating for 1,550 of which 355 were available free.
The borough boundary turns out of Kensington Gardens into Palace Gardens… crossing the Bayswater Road, it travels northwards, between Ossington Street and Clanricarde Gardens. North of Moscow Road, a Greek church stands impressively by. Given the name of St. Sophia, built of red brick with a high central dome… It reminds one of a storybook picture of a Russian church. Close by, a small Baptist chapel, neat and compact fitted in, built at the back of Porchester Gardens. Moving across Queen’s Road, there stands St. Matthew’s Parochial School. Built in 1831, found not large enough, then enlarged, losing most of its playground in 1861. Further northwards in Queen’s Road are the large buildings housing Paddington Public Baths and Washhouses.
Alfred Kearey courted and married Martha Sutton, named after her mother, born 11th. July 1857. Both of her grandfathers were vicars in London. In the first nineteen years of married life, they had ten children. They started out their married life in a small terraced house, 5 Salem Gardens, Bayswater, just off Moscow Road and Queensway [Queen’s Road] – opposite Olympia.
Martha’s father, William Sutton, was a trained carpenter His father, also named William, died in 1870, in office, as a Vicar in London. William had his carpenter’s shop at the bottom of his garden, making doors and windows. They had two sons and seven daughters. One of the sons was also named William joined the Royal Marines at Deal and took part in the Egyptian War in 1883, being wounded and invalidated out of the service, died less than ten years after returning home. The remaining son and five of the daughters married at an early age, leaving daughters Emma and Tottie at home to help their mother.
Martha had been a trained schoolteacher even though she was not paid a great deal. In Victorian society, it was frowned-on for woman teachers to be married – had to give up her job. Wishing to provide for an increasing family, she started and ran a successful hand laundry from home in a large washhouse in the garden. It required enough space on the range to boil the coppers of washing and sufficient room to do the ironing next to the drying room. She employed other women to do the large amount of washing and ironing that was taken in. Laundry work was labour extensive and for anyone wishing to use those facilities a major part of the family’s budget. It was a known fact that infections from mixed washing were possible. In sensible laundries, the washing separated, hung to dry and suitably aired. W H Lever began to sell soap in one-pound bars, ready wrapped, in 1885. Every large house in those days sent out for its laundry to be done – Bayswater was a fashionable part of London forming the North West corner of Kensington Park, so there was a ready business to satisfy close at hand.
The washing sorted on Saturdays and Sundays and entered into the washing book; this checked at the end of the process by my great-grandmother. Sheets and linens covered with luke-warm water and a little soda and left overnight. On Monday, the fires to the boiler lit two hours before the rest of the household came down to breakfast. As soon as the water was hot, the sheets and linens taken out of the overnight soaking water, rinsed in hot water ladled out of the copper, rubbed, and beaten with a dolly or possing stick. The sheets then wrung out, and the water reused for soaking-water. It was a long process from soaking, three washes, one boiling and a number of rinses. Within all of this were special stain removal processes and fabric conditioners – some items unpicked and resewn after processing.
Once the first washing completed, hung out to dry or if wet hung under covered ways – this could take several days. The starching process was complicated in that all materials needed a particular treatment. Unconditioned linen or cotton quickly became creased and rumpled.
The ironing done on tables. Flat irons used in pairs – whilst one was in use the other was reheating. A dozen irons arraigned on trivets over an open fire. Each iron before use cleaned on a rubbing cloth, any adhering starch cleaned off; irons, which were still dirty, rubbed on an emery board. Box-irons and goffering irons all had their special uses. Items for repair were set aside and all aired before wrapping – made ready for collection.
There is no doubt that Martha had to be extremely organized to run both the house, large family and family business. The fact that she had been a teacher indicates that her own education had been above average. Coming from a middle-class home gave her the spur to maintain her position for both herself and her children. The family owe much to this hard worker.
Martha’s grandfather, Samuel Elyas Pearce, was a Vicar of one of London’s city churches and Chaplain to the Lord Mayor of London. “The patronage of the Lord Mayor included the appointment of a chaplain who lives and boards in the Mansion House have a suite of rooms and a servant rides in a state carriage and attends the Lord Mayor whenever required. Presented to Queen Victoria at the first levee, received fifty guineas from the Court of Aldermen, and a like sum from the Court of Common Council. His wife, my maternal great grandmother, often told my father, that when she visited her great grandmother she would be told many frightening things about events which happened before and after The Great Fire of London in 1666.
In Victorian times, the main reception room presented the public face of the family and it conformed to the accepted strictures of the society. It displayed, on shelves, tables and what-knots a variety of small object both expensive, and inexpensive which were reminders of people and places. Tablecloths came right down to the floor with plants in heavy pots and planters. Covers placed to protect furniture from coal dust and fire-embers. Window curtains suspended from poles and rings were tied back to reveal net curtaining obscuring the view outside. Slip rugs positioned at the fireside left exposed the polished wood floor.
My grandmother Martha named after her mother, Martha Pearce, was the eldest child in the Sutton family. It was usual in those days that the eldest girls in the family took on a great deal of the housework by rota. This would include the cooking and work in the laundry. It was held as convention that this was the way a girl contributed to the home and was properly prepared to bring up her own family, when and if the time came. However, it is clear that there was little affection in the home especially by her mother. When grandmother showed independence by wearing a new hairstyle told to, ‘leave the home and do not return’. This seems on the face of it a hard thing to do but her mother had to control the situation. It was a small house and a large family and her mother could not afford for the situation to get out of hand and lose respect. [Fortunately, all came right in the end]
In the late nineteenth century, most women in England excluded from political and economic power. Wives and daughters were legally subservient to husbands until the Married Women’s Property Acts of 1870 and 1880s. Protecting women from beatings by the husband did not come about until 1891.
Martha sought help and comfort from a girlfriend that lived not far away in Caroline Place. She was also a laundress and worked from home. It was not a large house and there was no more room for another person to sleep so a place found for her under the ironing table. My grandfather Alfred Kearey who knew Martha before this event quickly saw in her a person he could befriend. Shortly after this, the Sutton family were reunited and they were married in 1878. A house found for them for lodging in Sutton Place. [The name is a coincidence]
The owner of Salem Gardens, who was incidentally the founder of the building firm William Whiteley, demolished the whole site – to prepare it for redevelopment. Whiteley impressed by the Great Exhibition and all it offered, particularly as an introducer to new fashion and industrial development. He opened a shop in Bayswater, which was then considered in 1863, a fashionable district of London. This shop was a success and he gradually enlarged it, taking on more staff, whilst improving his stock.
Eventually his stables were one of the largest in London having 145 vehicles and 320 horses able to deliver anything ‘the same day’. It eventually became one of the new ‘department stores’ being called The ‘Universal Provider’, boasting that he could provide ‘anything from pin to an elephant’. Thomas Lipton called his early shops ‘Irish markets’ probably because he sold Irish butter and eggs. There was a great deal of competition between Lipton and the others providers particularly those who catered for the working class and poor. These lower ends of the market traders did not worry Whiteley for he was looking to the middle-classes to make his fortune.
As a child, Whiteley had gone to school with my great grandfather, and therefore, well known to him. Unfortunately, William, who was married at the time, went out with one of his female staff. This was not an unusual behaviour pattern for him to do and caused great bitterness. Years later one of the children took revenge on the father – for bringing such unhappiness to his mother and family, and shot him.
My grandmother was very conscience of her grandfather’s position in the church, of Christian principles towards other people who need help. Her own large family gave her knowledge and understanding about women in labour and child delivery. She became the local unpaid midwife taking on the responsibility not only being at the birth of neighbouring children, helped nurse them and their mothers too. Martha did this not only to help the family budget but also to relieve the hardships found at that time in the surrounding streets. Her mother trained as a schoolteacher, which inculcated a desire for learning – passed onto her children. This prompted her to always take an interest in her children’s education… in later life my father attributed to her his love of learning.
The 1870 Elementary Education Act introduced to ensure all children could be eligible to go to school. This was the first time a school place was available in a building set aside for the purpose under a certified head teacher. Previously most children could only rely upon instruction by the main religious bodies from 1833 and philanthropic organizations such as the Anglian National Society in 1811, and the British and Foreign School Society in 1814.
The Victorians found pregnancy something unclean hidden and not talked about. Fathers were ignorant as to what was happening and mothers too were unclear about the physical side to life. Martha’s visits and ministrations were much valued… it says much for her fortitude, knowledge and experience; in a time when these were hard to find… that, she did these things without payment.
In the middle to late 1800s religion was the all-permeating influence not only of the family but the greater society. The parish church was the centre of the social system – the keystone that propped up the government. The main creed was obedience. ‘Honour thy father and thy mother’ heard every Sunday at church. Church was also a social gathering where everything discussed, evaluated, and equated. The dissenter was an unsocial person, one to be wary. The average person was not so concerned about dogma but of difference. The clergyman was the father of the parish linked to a great system which had gone on for ages.
The property owner was the lawgiver the representative of the parliamentary system – one of his or her own – born in the district, seen every day walking about in and out of their houses. He knew them and their troubles, their ideas, their wants, dreams and desires…after all, they were identical to his views as well. It was here that the word and philosophical understanding of ‘rights’ had a place. This influenced every living hour of their day. They knew where they stood and they knew their worth.
In the middle to late 1800s individuals still did not regularly bathe. Underclothes worn as either summer clothes or winter and not removed except to replace. Strip baths were the only means of washing either at the outside sink or tin bath. Those elders considered fussy used the public baths which children were encouraged to use – mainly to remove vermin – to stop scratching. This state of affairs lasted until well into the 20th century.
This is how the working class understood the world they lived in and this is how the middle class saw their place in the grand scheme of things. It based upon a rural society and soon to change. It was not long ago after all that most were onetime hewers of wood, tillers of soil and drovers of stock.
In the second half of the nineteenth century London’s rich and middle class moved away from the city centre, swamped by immigrants, particularly Westminster, where the Irish, French, and Jews congregated. The rich preferred Sydenham in Kent and Barnes and Richmond on the Thames, the upper middle class: Hampstead and Ealing, north and west of the city and Penge, south. The lower middle class: Camberwell, Hammersmith, Leyton, and Balham. Those men who worked in ‘city-offices’ preferred Bayswater, Brixton and Clapham… All these were at the time the city’s outskirts.
Bayswater lies at the top left-hand corner of Kensington Gardens. Kensington Palace is south, three quarters of a mile down the road and Notting Hill Gate about the same distance west. It was an ideal place to live, close to two royal parks.
My father, christened Albert Edward, was the fifth child, born on the 21st March 1889, at 6, Salem Gardens, Bayswater. After my father’s birth, three sisters and three more brothers were added to the previous four children… making eleven in all. He recognized later, all his brothers and sisters were most fortunate having parents who were so considerate and caring.
In the late Victorian age many children from poorer families were thought ‘an investment’ and put out to work as errand boys, carriers of beer, street cleaners and railway station porters. Others held horses, carried trucks, and delivered parcels, they stood at doorways ready to call a cab and helped cabbies who were drunk, – and the number occupied thus was estimated as between ten to twenty thousand. Many became match boys and street sellers, carried food and fruit. They did even the smallest thing to make what they could to help at home. As soon a dawn broke, seen outside every market place ready to take up a barrow. Others traded by the queues of shops and theatres to entertain and amuse by ‘their antics’.
Workmen of the period sported heavy moustaches; wore heavy boots with hob-nails, thick twill trousers, course worsted jackets, a waistcoat supporting a watch or key chain, and a cap or billycock hat – a short top-hat, but all very well worn – probably cast-offs! Some may wear smocks, overalls or wear a uniform that would distinguish him from other workers.
A middle-class man whose face was richly adorned by hair in the shaped of mutton-chops, full beard with moustache, wore a universally prescribed silk-plush, top hat on a stiff blocked base made of canvas. A black or dark blue frock coat, with a fashioned waist and skirt, with straight edges to about knee height open at the front by curving or wrapping the skirt-front round to the back. A pocketed, silk lined, velvet waistcoat with a man’s watch usually on a silver chain. Trousers were fashioned tight in white, grey, fawn or striped, held up by braces. A pinned satin cravat beneath a studded collar-band topped a mid-thigh length shirt with separate, point up, starched collar and linked secured, folded cuffs. For special occasions, a starched, frilly shirt front and tied silk bow. Beneath all would be one-piece long johns and silk socks held in place by garters thrust into ankle-boots.
By 1865, the very wide skirts for women, supported by crinolines, which took over from tight-laced corsets, were being superseded by tunic dresses; waisted blouses with a bustle at the back soon to be replaced. A waterproof cloak with hood, heightened boots, the essential hat, and parasol, completed the picture.
My father lived with his parents, Martha and Alfred Kearey, at 6, Salem Gardens, Moscow Road, Bayswater… Salem Gardens, later demolished. It is now Salem Road, which is just off Queensway and Bayswater tube station – which forms a square. On the other side, backing onto the gardens is Moscow Place and Moscow Road both forming another square with Queen’s Mansions, just a few doors up from his paternal grandparents. It was a small rented house with just four rooms, two up and two down, a kitchen and an outhouse. It had a back garden, which stopped at the Queens Mews stable wall belonging to a house in the next road.
Within the homes of father’s friends, elaborate rules of etiquette observed. In middle class homes, one had to dress for dinner in full evening dress. Lace curtains were de rigueur and Sunday best clothes worn. No games played; no shops open, no theatres played, and only the bible read. No running in the road and parks – decorum observed at all times, and no shouting ever! The parlour used as a ‘special room’ for Sundays only, entertaining guests and visitors, on high days and Christmas.
Albert attended Sunday school aged four in 1893, at the school in Queens Road [now Queensway]. The girls and boys formed up in ranks of two… Then, holding hands, marched off to Saint Matthews Church, Saint Petersburg Place, Bayswater… led by a Master and Mistress. It was here that Albert spent two years at the Infant School.
It was believed by the government, that, as more people were taking up the option to vote they should be educationally equipped to make proper decisions. At the same time, it became apparent that Britain industrial base was lagging behind some European countries. Both these factors suggested that elementary education needed resources. The 1870, Elementary Education Act ensured this would happen and school boards were set up. In 1895, the voluntary schools still provided half a million more places than the board schools. Poor families complained that sending their children to school instead of to work prevented the rest of the family from eating.
The Kearey family was relatively well off – having a father skilled in his own painting and staining business with a full order book. The school fees were 1d. or 2d per week; there was, however, a considerable variation of fees depending on the numbers of children from one family going to the same school or whether there was sickness or lack of footwear – a fairly common occurrence. By 1891, sufficient money made available by the government to provide free places. When Albert went to school in 1893, he did not have to attend school with his fee in his pocket. The minimum age children could then leave school was eleven… It would take another six years to push this up to twelve.
At that, time education in London led the way in curriculum innovation promoting music, drill and object lessons – some instruction about the world around them… about science, history and geography. Lessons other than the three Rs considered ‘class lessons’. For the older children two other specific subjects were included. The question about the provision of a piano was much debated finally it was left to the head teacher knowing what funding from grants was available.
At around the age of twelve children who went to church confirmed… afterwards allowed attendance at communion services. For several weeks before confirmation, there would be classes of instruction to learn The Creed, Ten Commandments, The Catechism, The Lord’s Prayer and other religious works. On the day of communion the girls would wear white long sleeved dresses, white shoes and veils and the boys their best suits and well shone shoes, starched collars to their white shirts a buttoned up waist coats. In the late Victorian era, Sunday’s were a special day, no work was to take place, and no games played. People who did not attend church considered wicked or lacking in respect.
Most children went to Sunday school and attended one proper service – morning or evening. At Christmas, they went twice a day. The Sunday school lessons consisted of bible reading, instruction and righteous stories with a moral theme and learning the collect [single prayer of the day]. Picture stamps of bible scenes collated and mounted into an album. Hymns for young children sung to the accompaniment of a piano. All the people were dressed in their Sunday best. Children in particular were clothed in shirts stiff with starch. The congregation knew were to sit and usually always in the same pew. The congregation knelt down and said a prayer or to ask for forgiveness for wrong doings, before the service began.
The High Altar, a covered table, was reached by several steps around which were displayed several oil paintings depicting biblical scenes. The chancel was imposingly large separated from the body of the church by a wrought iron grill. There were always on hand many servitors – functionaries, in High-Church dress. The service intoned and sung, except the lessons.
There was a special service for woman who had not long given birth. This called ‘Churching for Women’ and was a service to cleanse her and release her from sin. There was no such thing as feminism or a feminist movement. Why this should only be for women never explained nor how they had been sinful.
At St. Matthew’s Church, some pews rented. When the Upper Classes – particularly the Nobility and Aristocracy, attended the service, a footman followed them. He was dressed in frock coat, white skin-tight trousers and buckled shoes – whose job it was to carry a bible and prayer book – handed over to their masters at the door. Pew-openers directed the ordinary parishioners into their strictly graded, rented and paid for seats. My father went on to say that in his mother’s day these titled folk were ushered into their pews, which had doors and sometimes separate internal roofs, by attendants who saw them in and spread blankets over their legs. These attendants were women who had black poke bonnets and white aprons. Services known by heart particularly the hymns. The sermons were often long and difficult to hear because of the echo.
The rector constantly instructed his parishioners that they should worship all day Sunday. However, the evening services were those best attended. The aristocracy attended church in the mornings; in the evenings by their servants, who were too busy at their household tasks and looking after the horses and farm animals, to find time during the day.
In the winter months, the church interiors lit by the soft glow of oil lamps, casting mysterious shadows over the walls and pillars – making the gloomy, cold, and damp environment eyrie – to small children, frightening. The congregation sat in the same seat every week and woe betides if you sat on somebody else’s pew. You always had to be on your best behaviour. My father knelt down with everyone else and said a prayer, asked forgiveness, before waiting for the service to begin. He was supposed to read the collect for the day or a psalm. Everyone knew the service order by rote and most of the hymns. At the collection, a halfpenny dropped in the plate. It was normal for the gentry to have their own family pews and the added luxury of a couple of heated rooms where they could meet, entertain, and then to retire to. The beadles kept order and the poor out.
At the end of the service, the parishioners walked out into the blackness of the night and those who had a long way to get back home would light candles in their lamps that flickered on the footpaths and disappear into the night. However distant the journey there was little fear accosted by vagabonds or scoundrels for the congregation all left together. You could hear the happy ‘goodnights’ all around you as the cheery calls echoed through the night air… The clear night sky would enable you to recognise the constellations and sometimes see a falling star and get a wish.
It was a ritual on a Sunday for ladies and gentlemen, from surrounding churches, to perambulate around the squares and gardens, after Matins. This walk ended up strolling down Lancaster Walk past Speke’s monument and further still onto the Albert Memorial. This walk was termed ‘The Parade’. It was here that the bonneted women and attending dandies would be bobbing and nodding to their acquaintances all showing off their latest fashions.
The riders had a similar parade; both men and women wore top hats, the women rode side-saddle, the society dandies and their simpering belles disporting in their barouches whilst chattering loudly fluttering their fans. Some of the small children would be riding their ponies besides their parents giggling and chattering like sparrows.
The nannies would be pushing the enormous sided prams, the largest of which displayed wealth, kept to the railing paths. Regents Park, planned by Nash, displayed the Zoological exhibits – was a favourite place for them to go…needing one shilling for the pleasure.
This display, performed by the rich, occurred in all of London’s royal parks. This droll, ostentation by the bourgeoisie had a great effect upon my father who saw it as a display of wealth – from those who might also cast a glance of disdain on the unfortunates who did not have an equal social standing.
Although he always voted conservative, he was fully aware of the injustices in society and could not abide pomposity. After church, my father would walk to the top of the road towards Kensington Gardens. At that time Princess Louise, Duchess of Argyle, occupied The Royal Palace of Kensington. When he got to the park, he had to walk and never run because the Park Keeper would soundly admonish him for desecrating the Sabbath Day.
Regent’s Park was never just the preserves of aristocrats, about a third of occupants of Nash’s terraces were in business. Kensington Gardens was not open to the public for its first ten years after it is inauguration but kept as a great private estate for Royalty and the aristocracy.
City life was one of organised chaos. There were few women particularly in public areas – there was a changing shift of people mainly men to and from work. Clerks were in abundance being the main form of employment for the non-servant classes; they would not only populate their offices but be rushing delivering letters, plans and manuscripts.
The water carts would be out laying the dust, crossing keepers dressed in their uniform, keeping their particular spots clean of mud and dung. The potboys and shop staff lifting open the hatches to the cellars, rolling back the blinds and pulling open the shutters. The street life during the day was cosmopolitan with a frantic grating, crunching, swirling of speeding horse drawn traffic, the hackney drivers vying with each other to get back to the pitch as soon as possible – were the worst, darting here and there without a by-your-leave’. During early mornings and after work the streets returned to almost village life… over and behind the shops family life progressed. There were three main commercial and business groups: the sellers, the buyers and the providers. This last group contained the service and maintenance staff, builders and repair people who lived in the so-called village.
Babies at the turn of the century not often weaned until at least one year old, not only expected but cheaper and more convenient. Babies kept in long gowns and nothing done to disturb them or excite them; not expected to sit up until the age of at least six months. Their prams had large wheels, high sides and fully sprung. Trying to help the child to walk before the age of two frowned upon because thought the childhood become bow-legged.
In summer, many of the children went to the London parks. As most children were from large families, the eldest daughter kept an eye on the younger-ones. The prams pushed by their owners some hired other by the child’s nanny…picnics held beneath the trees or by the lakes. Drinking water provided – to be drunk at the fountains, ducks fed on scraps of stale bread and peacocks gazed at in awe.
He remembered an incident when he was a toddler when his brothers came out of the park to return home. They had forgotten him – he was quite innocently trotting off in another direction. A chimney sweep saw him apparently all alone, picked him up placed him on his barrow amongst all the brushes and bags of soot, and made off with him. The brothers meantime had reached home still engrossed in conversation to find him not bringing up the rear. There was panic at home and his mother ran up to the park frantically searching for her son.
In Victorian times the slums of Notting Hill, which is the other side of the park, had an evil reputation for kidnapping and extortion and it was because of this reputation that she made her way there. Fortunately, she found her son Bert perched on the barrow parked outside a public house. The sweep was celebrating his successful abduction inside the inn.
Sweeps and slum factory owners wanted cheap labour – frequently resorted to child theft. Small children used by sweeps to descend narrow chimneys, especially the bends used in the chimney to obtain a better draught, being lowered from the top scraping and sweeping whilst they were lowered, the soot being collected at the bottom. Sweeps, as a form of promoting their services, used very small children, declaring that, ‘they could clean smaller chimneys than any other sweep.’
There was an argument on the pavement between the police officer and the sweep – vigorously holding onto Bert. The sweep was heard shouting, ‘I know my rights, he’s my child and I’m defending and protecting him!’
The interested onlookers gathered around, some coming from within the public house. They heard my father calling out to his mother, whilst furiously trying to clamber into her arms. The crowd supported my grandmother calling to the police officer to do his duty.
That decided it for the police officer who, taking the infant from the cart, returned the child to its parent…telling the sweep of a possible summons, if he did not be quiet!
On January 10th 1863, Paddington railway station was open to the public; it was The Great Western Railway Line, and the Metropolitan Railway. The railways construction had resulted in many families evicted from their houses, so that they could be demolished. The broad staircase lead down thirty feet to platform level but long before reaching the bottom the smell of smoke and steam pervades the air. You could feel the draught the closer one found the underlying cause. The gas burners light the way as we jostle along – for there are a steady stream of would be passengers also making their way along the smoke filled tunnel. At last, the train reached; it was just over a mile away from home in Salem Gardens.
That same year, riding in ‘The Row’, in London’s Hyde Park, the latest carriage style included the Victoria Phaeton, the Mail Phaeton, the Four Wheel Dog Cart, the Light Waggonette, the Brougham, the Parisian Phaeton and the Stanhope Phaeton. The bicycle too changed with improved tyres, gears and brakes. By 1900, the cost of an average car was £385, which was about ten times that of a farm workers yearly income. Paddington was now a borough with tree-shaded roads and squares. There was an enormous disparity between the various districts. This was apparent when getting near to Hyde Park and those houses along the canal. The areas around the railway terminus, the shops, and entertainment centres in Westbourne Grove, Queens Road, and Edgware Road gave variety and colour.
In 1900, horse-transport was the usual mode of travel for both individuals and groups of people. Most of the carriages privately owned although there was a public horse drawn system called the omnibus. Some people had a pony and trap or small governess cart, drawn by very small ponies. Occasionally goats pulled the country carts.
Every shop had its errand boy who delivered goods by hand; the older boys, doing a bigger round, used a pony drawn cart. Very few people carried their own shopping relying upon the shop’s delivery service. Men drove Brewer’s drays drawn by four huge horses, with their jingling horse brasses and bells, with bowler hats sitting high up at the front covered with a tarpaulin wrap fastened over their knees. Carrier Vans collected and delivered heavier goods on either two or four wheeled carts. Two paraffin oil or acetylene lamps lit his way. These vans travelled around a particular route known by the inhabitants. If their services were required, a note had to be pinned to your door or gate. Deliveries also made by the railway companies guaranteeing a door-to-door service.
It was alongside Kensington Gardens that the stagecoach route ran from Central London. During school holidays, my father would sit in the public gardens and watch the coaches bowling along the road to Windsor or Hurlingham with the guard whipping up the horses and blowing his coaching horn. All traffic travelled at the pace of a horse. Carriages of many different styles abounded.
On every first of May, a rustic pageant called ‘Jack-in-the-Green’ enacted. The sweep’s boys decorated with garlands of green leaves cavorted around the streets. Maid Marion, was the traditional May Queen who was pulled by hand-cart to her throne.
When father’s family asked to leave Salem Gardens, they rented a house in Bayswater. It was here that my father started kindergarten in 1892 at the age of three. His starter class, attached to the infant school well attended; taught by senior girls, at the age of fourteen – considered fit by their studies to consider teaching as a profession. Parents had to pay perhaps 4d per-week for the first child then, on a sliding scale, less for additional children; the rate was flexible according to the parent’s income. These fees were only just beginning to be unneeded after an extra government grant for elementary education brought into being. The minimum leaving age was twelve by the time Albert started school… at the same time attendance for all children compulsory.
Saint Matthew’s, Infant School, Poplar Place, Moscow Road, was a small Church school for very young children and was to last for two years. There were no desks or individual seats but galleries amounting to eight rows of broad steps. He had to sing his multiplication tables and alphabet every morning. These were not the only form of learning by rote there were others: spectrum colours, kings and queens, months of the year and many other useful facts. Common words learnt by ‘heart’ and religiously checked every day by his teacher. Proper pronunciation of words, the correct use of grammar, national tunes, mental arithmetic, countries of The Empire all given a place in the curriculum. By the end of the two-year period a great deal learnt and committed to memory.
Girl teachers, who were very patient and kind knowing as they did how important it was that their charges could cope with the curriculum at the Junior School, gave the lessons. His girl teachers were fourteen, the age when pupils left school – were the brighter girls from the top class – who were in teacher training. There were no grants training paid for by the parents. There were few jobs for girls. To be a nurse the training was the same. The parents paid the fees. Some worked in local hospitals but were not able to qualify without going to College to receive their certificate. My father was very happy at St Matthew’s school and did well coming out top of the class. At this age, he began piano lessons, which he persevered with – years later achieved a professional standard.
When he was five years old, he went up to the Junior School of St Matthew’s Church, which was in another building, also in Queens Road. It was only Class 1 that had a separate room, known as ‘The Bottom Standard’. There taught the Prayer Book. At the same time, instruction given so that pupils could recite the Ten Commandments: the creed, the Catechism and the Lord’s Prayer. This was to prepare them for ‘confirmation’.
In subsequent years, the higher standards taught in a large hall, which seated about five classes. The head teacher was Mr Dexter who had an assistant and three female staff. Boys separated from Girls, who had their own hall. At this time, education was not compulsory – there was a voluntary charge made throughout the year of two pence per week for lessons. Discipline was vigorously exercised to keep noise levels down so as not to disturb the other classes. Lessons arranged so that singing in one class taught with sewing or drawing in another so that one would not affect the other.
These large rooms, or halls, were very cold in the winter for they had large windows and lofty ceilings. Each large room had a coal heater set in the middle of the floor with the chimney pipe running up to the high roof. The floor, uneven through use, showed raised nails – was of bare wood, which gave off clouds of dust when anyone moved. Colourless flaking lime-washed walls white peppered the surrounding floor, which added to the general dust.
My father spoke of the severe winters and dense fogs, which made going to school something to be dreaded. In the winter of 1894-5, which was particularly severe, hot meals provided and warm clothing distributed to the needy and boots to those without. A school’s medical officer complained that at least one third of all children had not had their clothes off for more than six months and that a high percentage of these had their underclothes sew on them. These children smelt – nobody wanted to sit next to them; others continually itched and could not sit still. Schoolrooms fumigated and teachers wore bags of sulphur sewn into their hems- to ward off vermin. A great many children worked before and after school as messengers, street sellers and errand boys. It was a case of having to, to provide for a single or sickly parent. For twelve-year-old girls leaving school domestic service was the most popular job available.
Many of the children fed by charitable funds provided by rich neighbours and philanthropic action by societies. It was only at the start of the First World War that the Board of Education compelled all authorities to provide meals. The health of schoolchildren was a matter of concern and provision made for the medical inspection of all schoolchildren. By 1914, just over three-quarters of London’s Boroughs made health, eyesight and dental checks. The improved provision of continuous tap water helped children’s health. Skin complaints began to disappear and infections from various bugs reduced to the degree that fumigation tailed off.
These were dreary winter days… when the teacher lit the gas mantle held in the wall bracket… to produce a depressing yellow glow. This light could hardly penetrate the gloom, not only because of the lateness of the hour but the denseness of the London fog outside which seeped into the room. It is difficult now to imagine… although understandable when we consider their Mondays’ in particular, when all the boilers lit for washing. It was difficult to breathe the sulphurous air: the fumes from candles, oil lamps and various heaters made even the inside of homes smoky. To go out was a trial… continually tripping over milk churns and dustbins, negotiating horse dung and rotting waste, into a world of a pale golden colour with humps and hillocks… ghostly bodies set lurching into each other… all groping to find their way.
The high-hung school bell, set on the roof, rang at nine and one o’clock. The children had to form up outside until let in… to form queues that were led snaking into the classrooms. There was no talking and no running every movement was regimented and orderly. Slates were used to write on which made a squeaky noise when the slate pencils were used. No provision made for cleaning the slates so children spat on them and rubbed them with their sleeves. Slates, hung from pegs around the wall, used for minor lessons and practice – to save paper. When writing perfected using slates ‘writing books’ and ‘pen and ink sets’ passed out by the monitor.
By the turn of the century, a system of elementary education planned and some two million children attended board school. This was the direct result of the 1870 Education Act coming into fruition. All of England divided into school districts where school boards were set up with powers to levy rates and build schools. This was done and the results can be seen today – those schools are still in being although perhaps not as schools any more. The Education Act of 1902 was the basis for all branches of education – from elementary to university, included in this were church schools. County, district and borough councils who formed local education committees [LEAs] replaced School Boards. By the end of 1902, fifty-three secondary schools set up. It took a further ten years to add three hundred more.
The working population of large British cities, particularly London at the turn of the nineteenth century, described graphically in Dickens’s novels. They were people intent upon holding their jobs, maintaining their position in the social order and putting on a brave face – to cover up any differences of order or hardship. Amongst these citizens were the Kearey family – one of many who succeeded. They eventually considered themselves Londoners and were proud of it! In addition, what was different about them, from many such families, was that their paternal great-grandfather Thomas Kearey had been born in Ireland – of ancient Gaelic roots…
My father was very aware that he was fortunate… his father had a skilled job that enabled him to be self-employed. This was at a time when a number of events, in both Britain and the rest of the world, came one after another to create ‘the industrial society’. Steam engines invented to pump out water from the mines – allowing more mined coal. This power source was adapted to drive mills and traction engines. Canals built to move heavy materials across country. Railways took over the transportation of goods and passengers. This movement of people stripped young people away from the countryside. Houses, factories, railway cutting, tunnels, and docks incorporated. To clothe, equip, furnish and supply the factories and their workers ancillary businesses blossomed. Once this progression happened, there was no stopping the development of the new ‘industrial’ society. A strong bearing on society that had far-reaching effects.
My grandmother ran her own business. The laundry operated from home and provided work for local women. Once again, it was an opportune time to own such an enterprise especially in the middle-class area of Bayswater. It too prospered. This was a loving, secure, home environment, which provided my father with grounding for organization and management.
If you were to see a film of London’s population at the turn of the nineteenth century, you would be able to pick out those people who had a lot of money, from those who had little. Their dress would give them away. The rich women wore long dresses made out of silks and satins, wore flamboyant hats and fur stoles, and carried a parasol. They did no work but ran their homes through the effort of servants and cooks, planning the weeks programme and menu. Their husbands, many were absentee property owners, living off the rents of property, stocks, and shares, wore: frock coats, bowler hats, and astrakhan collared over-coats… Income tax was very low allowing surplus money spent on clothes, houses, horses, and carriages. It was a very unequal society.
The poor children wore rags, went barefooted, and were frequently undernourished. They lived in tenements and back-to-back houses with no sanitary arrangements except a community lavatory and tap. Many children lived away from home – under bridges and populating derelict houses.
All the different strata of society wore clothes appropriate to that level – not attempting to copy their so-called betters, but maintaining their station in life. The rich looked upon the poor as ‘unfortunates’ some socially minded did so with embarrassment, others felt guilty – that there wasn’t greater equality. The mass of the population were struggling with the day-to-day survival. Three-quarters of all adults earned less than £160 per year. The gap between paying income tax or not widened during the Edwardian period. Almost sixty per cent of the population were living more than two to a room.
Many of these unfortunates housed in the workhouse on a diet of half a pint of milk and five ounces of dry bread for breakfast. Dinner, the main meal of the day, consisted of an ounce and a half of fatty roast beef, four ounces of potatoes or other vegetable, and six ounces of some sort of pudding – usually a concoction of suet and flour. In addition, for supper, a half pint of, water and milk mix, of cocoa and a quarter pound of seed cake. This diet exceeded that of a workers family whose wage might be twenty-shillings a week… thirty shillings considered a good wage. Alfred, a self-employed painter, earned about forty-shillings a week. Fortunately, these were times of feverish activity industrially and economically. Employment was high for Britain was preparing its defences and the work demanded by the railways and house building kept the labour market busy.
The working week was sometimes more than fifty hours and even though employment was high there was always a fear of be laid off – of being out of work. Trade unions were weak and the law gave very little protection for unfair dismissal. There was no unemployment insurance or social security. The property owner for any trifling excuse could throw a family out of their house.
As there was already, a piano in the house it was not difficult to accord him that desire. It did not take long for him to reach the first grade and his teacher declared that he had a natural bent learning not only the practical side but the theory too. Soon he was able to play the hymns sung at the school assembly – he was often required to accompany singers at Christmas time and within a few years diligent practice proficient enough to play for the local film show, keeping pace with the black and white films. He continued to play for the rest of his life reaching a high enough standard to play for Masonic meetings.
To have a piano in the house at the turn of the nineteenth century was the popular means of home entertainment. It estimated that there were between two and four million pianos in Britain – one instrument to ten to twenty people. It was a skill considered to be, ‘one of social inclusion’, especially for girls. To be able to play well – able to accompany singers entertaining company considered a mark of distinction… it was also a guarantee of inclusion, for a skilled player always wanted for every social gathering. The piano in the parlour was not just a butt for jokes but a matter of fact. Between 1877 and 1902 ‘The Lost Cord’ sold fifty thousand copies of sheet music per year making Parry a very rich man. The family singsong around the piano, singing the songs of the day from popular music hall acts, operettas, national tunes, and hymns looked forward to as a means of social discourse – bringing family and friends together.
Even during the Second World War, every weekend, it was my task to gather the music together sort out the tunes to be sung and prepare the piano – making sure the action had been aired – free from damp before the fire. I had to sing my party piece before visiting aunts and uncles: Cherry Ripe, The Tree, The Miner’s Dream of Home and The Teddy Bears Picnic; my father contributed singing The Village Pump and Captain Ginger, and of course a selection from Gilbert and Sullivan.
My father stayed at school until he was seven years old when the family moved to Kensal Green. His next school, Princess Frederika Higher Grade School, had the sexes still separated. He tells, ‘that it was a miserable place staffed by elderly teachers who were always unsmiling, stern and dressed as if in morning.’ He was glad when he moved yet again to the London School Board at Amberley Road, Paddington. {This school is still there and backs onto the Paddington Branch of the Grand Union Canal. One end of the road is Harrow Road in Westbourne Green]. Whilst my father attended this school Queen Victoria died and Edward VII was crowned King. All children given the day off to celebrate and street parties arranged. Later that year my father joined the 6th London Boys Brigade Company, which was attached to the school’s church. The captain who ran the company was Mr. J. A. Robson, a remarkable man enrolling more than a hundred boys. Most years winning the area cup and shield for band and drill competitions.
The Boy Scouts training based upon trekking and scouting. The Boy’s Brigade linked to a military style of light infantry training. The Boy’s Brigade, founded by Sir William Smith in Glasgow at the end of the 19th.century. The object of the Brigade was to produce good citizens. In 1904, throughout the country, there was estimated 54,000 boys between the ages of 12-14 in the organization. Baden-Powell became honorary Vice-president and Inspector General that same year. The Army and Government believed, here was an organization that could be a source of recruitment for future officers and men of the British Army. ‘A strong force behind the Volunteers and the Army – a third line in defending our shores’.
Now at last my father was happy. The Headmaster at the London school Board was Mr Williamson who although strict was kind and fortunately ably assisted by capable teachers in six separate classrooms. He could master the three ‘Rs’ and was taught elementary algebra, composition, drawing, geometry, French and woodwork. He had great affection for this school and never forgot the headmaster – what he owed him for his many kindnesses. Discipline was looked on as something essentials and necessary and so too punishment for wrongdoing and slackness. There was a punishment book called ‘The Board School, cane and Punishment Book’. The children with great awe regarded this and so the threat of entry into this book was sufficient to deter misdoing.
At the start of every day, prayers intoned and hymns sung in the main hall. At the end of each day, the same thing happened. Pupils were expected to pay respect to older people – hats should be raised and taken off to masters and mistresses, to say ‘Sir’ and ‘Miss’ when spoken to. When leaving school caps worn at all times. Father played the piano for the school assembly and in the evenings for the local picture palace where silent films with sub-titles shown. This required dexterity and a knowledge of many tunes to follow each part of the story line.
English lessons, taught every day, had as their main content the spelling of words and note taking. Writing with a hand in copperplate script was the standard necessary and much practiced. Mental arithmetic was greatly encouraged by giving every class a problem solved. Teachers taught all subjects and knew their charges intimately, their faults and failings, their successes and strengths.
In 1900, the underground railway system was electrified. For the price of a tuppeny ticket, the passenger could travel as far as he wished. This became so successful that the underground railway extended which increased their profit. The first transatlantic wireless message sent the following year. The industrialization continued apace, every year more inventions and discoveries made.
My father started work at the age of fifteen in 1904 [the same time the Russo-Japanese War started]. He joined the Great Central Railway Company whose head office was at Paddington Station as a junior clerk. Because there was no vacancy at that post, to start with, he had to serve out his probationary period learning to pack parcels and load wagons in the Goods Yard. A few months later a vacancy for junior clerk occurred on the staff of Thompson McKay and Company, who were Carting Agents for the G.C.R…, which he took. Office work included dealing with street accidents, claims for damage to goods in carriage, stoppages, overtime and bonus payments, accounts, detention charges, correspondence and ordering feed for the horses. In retrospect; if my father had waited for a vacancy with the railway company and not gone to a private cartage company, he would have benefitted enormously both in eventual retirement benefit and rising in the far larger concern.
The Cartage Department then came under the jurisdiction of the District manager who had six hundred horses, a Miles Daimler 5-ton, iron tired, motor with rack and pinion drive and a 10 ton Yorkshire Steam Wagon. All the horses were young and some needed schooling. ‘Car-men’, the term used for drivers, detailed off as ‘young-horse car-men’ for breaking in these animals. As ‘Agents’ Thompson McKay & Co. carried out town cartage work as well as more general work… particularly orders for Lots Road, Electric Generating Station, which was speciality work… some being very heavy. In cases where the cartage of 40-ton boilers necessary twenty horses pulling a specially built heavy-duty wagon.
Steam engines invented to drive pumps and move heavy goods for the mining industry at the turn of the 18th. Century. By 1903, Ford had built his first petrol driven motorcar and the first steam tractors for farm and roadwork designed.
My father enjoyed his work and was interested to learn more outside his normal duties. By this time, his various tasks included visiting local markets and the docks leaning how to service extra heavy loads. This started his never-ending love for London, its street and all the business, which went on within its boundaries. He did anything, which would help his career and increase his knowledge of the cartage industry. Gradually more and more motors obtained to deal with the increased workload. Drivers had to service their own motors and for this, parts and lubricants ordered in. Throughout this period, he kept abreast of all the latest methods adopted to transport goods, and as a personal challenge drove every vehicle.
It was now just three years after the end of the Boar War. Previously Britain had invested the Empire with a rosy glow, after the war the glow was not quite so warm. Although the period was one of growth – the necessity of putting back what the war had drained away, the change in society, not quite as large as that experienced after The Second World War, was large – the people did have more and there was a definite improvement in the nation’s health. Nevertheless, there was a feeling that the ‘golden age’ of Victorian Britain was over.
Most of the middle and upper classes were quite prepared to tolerate extremes of poverty so that they could indulge themselves in luxury. The working class saw the need for communal action to improve society. Britain’s economy and growth had been greater and faster than at any other time. As time has gone by it becomes even clearer how substantial these changes had been. When an individual, group, or even country produces such wealth it becomes envied – produces a jealous reaction…, the Second World War, in this case, was the result …
The Prime Minister, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, held an election just after Christmas – in January 1906. It was a wise move for the result was a landslide victory for the previous Liberal Party gaining eighty-four seat majority over all other parties. The election fought on issues of Education, Chinese slavery and tariff reform. It was an exciting time for those who left the Boys Brigade witnessing the massive public excitement. They all went to Trafalgar Square to see the huge screens erected there, displaying the projected election results. Parliament agreed, 31st March 1907, ‘that a sum of £2,353,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge of Barrack Construction; for Works, Buildings, and repairs, at Home and abroad [including purchase of land]. This was a bill acknowledging that modernising the Army necessary including improving the living accommodation. On the eve of the 1914 war, there were 132,000 private cars on the roads.
During the last few years before the outbreak of the First World War Britain had developed department stores, chain stores and Cooperative stores. It was unusual to buy items direct from the manufacturer or farmer. Costly items such as suiting and shoes ordered ‘made to measure’… but most goods made in standard sizes and weights. The middle classes graced Harrods and Selfridges; Liptons, Co-op, and Grand Universal Stores built on the needs of the working class, catering for volume sales with small margins.
British society had become more tolerant. It was possible to alter ones class – to move up. There was greater understanding for the poor, homeless and handicapped. The Factory Acts did protect workers. Reforms allowing trades unions and the introduction of the Welfare State continue to this day… Britain was becoming more civilized… This improvement in living standards came from invention, new technologies, and entrepreneurship.
In 1906, at the age of seventeen, my father left the Boy’s Brigade as a Sergeant and enrolled in the 4th Middlesex Rife Volunteer Corps at the Drill Hall in: Adam and Eve Mews, Iverna Gardens, off High Street Kensington. Previously, the Corps known as the West London Rifles but altered in 1905 to, The Kensington Rifles, when the Borough adopted the regiment. Three years later, when the Territorial Force raised, there was an amalgamation of two Corps to form the 13th Battalion. It became The Kensington’s having their Colours presented by King Edward VII at Windsor on the 19th June 1909 – which my father attended. Four years after the colour’s consecrated Princess Louise gave her name to the regiment – now becoming the 13th Princess Louise Kensington Battalion, The London Regiment.
When my father joined in 1906 his knowledge of drill, gained in The Boy’s Brigade, stood him in good stead for he quickly became a Lance Corporal in charge of a squad of men. This was the start to a permanent connection with the regiment – he stayed close to its organization for the rest of his life. That promotion, to Lance Corporal, began a series of promotions over the next eight years until the start of The First World War. By that time, he was a senior Sergeant in the regiment. To an extent, the Kensington’s were a ‘pals’ regiment, although not strictly so being a Territorial unit. The term not used until much later in the war when recruiting began to be difficult. The Regiment recruited men drawn from the local area, mostly from boys clubs, Scouts, Boy’s Brigade and Church Lads as well as a sprinkling of unattached youths. They knew each other where they lived – were friends, brothers, cousins and schoolmates. Father was twenty-five when war declared; he was one of the oldest non-commissioned officers. He lived for the regiment – its company and its men. He did not seek promotion to officer rank, when asked why, replied, ‘that he wished to stay with the men he grew up with’. By the time the Battalion placed on standby – to take part in the British Expeditionary Force, he had been in the regiment for nearly ten years. He was by then the most senior non-commissioned officer in the regiment.
Once again, the family moved house northwards towards Maida vale, north-eastern Paddington – not far from the Regents Canal. The house was 80 Elgin Avenue, Paddington. Before 1886, the road named Elgin Road. The district was mainly residential although there were a few new shops permitted near some original, which had been converted houses. One of the main contractors was William Henry Pearce built a hundred houses in the neighbourhood in the 1890s. Some of the flats built were in the direct control of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners who acquired long leases from the lessees. The southern part begins at Little Venice – white stuccoed area spaciously laid out – like most of Maida Vale – in a neo-Georgian manner. Sidney was the last natural child Martha had; he was born in 1900, dying seventeen years later in France – unburied on the battlefield. He was the seventh son – a brother to his three sisters.
It was not long before the Kearey family moved again to 7 Errington Road, Paddington. Albert was twenty-four a Company Sergeant Major in the Territorial’s about to be balloted for membership to The Kensington Battalion, Masonic Lodge. It was November 1913 just nine months before war broke out. By the following January he passed to the degree of Fellow Craft in the Lodge and raised to Master Mason on the 4th March 1914. Little did he know this a prelude to a disastrous war that would rip the family apart?
The second week of July was set aside for the battalion’s summer camp. The billets almost empty, no carpets or curtains, just the regulation iron beds. The majority of men were in bell tents set in a square. Physical training was the start of every day followed by musketry training – firing in the butts and lectures on trench building and the importance of patrols. Route marches, map reading, patrolling and elementary first aid; square bashing an essential part of each day until all the orders became second nature. Bayonet drill practiced with the maximum vigour to achieve a lifelike effect… how to parry and lunge, all the features of hand-to-hand fighting. The Company Sergeants taking their Company off to practice on their own – to give the sergeants responsibility and leadership skills. All the commands whether arms drill or marching drilled by numbers, most forced and route marches, included full pack, with rolled greatcoat, water bottle, bayonet, box respirator, and entrenching too -, fitted behind the pack.
It was at rifle practice that Albert excelled. He was a champion shot, a sharpshooter, shooting for the regimental rifle team. Most weekends saw him on the rifle ranges of Bisley or Purbright with his fellow team members. Now it was up to him to teach the new recruits.
From the 27th July 1914, Britain began to respond to the gathering crisis in Germany. Two days later, all regular soldiers recalled from leave. By chance, the Territorial Force just been assembled for summer camp allowing speedy mobilization.
On Tuesday, 4th August, Britain was at war with Germany. The stated aim was to secure Belgium’s neutrality but the underlying motive was to reduce Germany’s growing power. Initially it was a war of manoeuvre – ‘to outflank’ and ‘cut off’, but ended in ‘stalemate’ and ‘static line’. The first major battle fought that year by the BEF was 1st Ypres in October. In the last days of December 1914, twenty-two Territorial battalions marched to join that British Force in France and within two further months, another twenty-six followed them. Amongst these men were The Kensingtons. My father paraded his men and marched them out of Kensington Barracks keen to get to grips with the Germans. Together, these Territorial made up the New British Army.
In 1906, soon after his seventeenth birthday Albert turned up at the Kensington Volunteer Rifle Corps Headquarters by appointment, to fill in the necessary forms and take part in the medical. If accepted the recruit had to swear allegiance to The Queen. It had been a bit of a wrench leaving the Boy’s Brigade, for he had been a keen member – it had been eight dedicated years – taking part in all the drill competitions, and playing the piano for the Sunday bible readings. He left at the same time a number of friends did having discussed joining the Territorials. It was an auspicious time, not that Albert and his friends realised the significance.
After the attestation, the lads were lead to the Quartermasters Stores to receive their uniforms. This to them was the most exciting part as they all fancied walking down High Street, Kensington, in their new uniforms. The colour of the cloth was field-grey with shaped cuffs. The buttons tarnished – just waiting for all the hard work to turn them into sparkling brass. The helmet, grey too, looked very similar to a police officer’s helmet, plus a spike on the top. All the fittings: spike, badge and chin strap, came separately, also needing much cleaning. The recruits allocated a kit bag to carry the boots, socks, shirt and vests, plus the belt, scabbard and bayonet. It was not going to be easy to carry this lot home.
The Kensington Rifles, adopted by the Royal Borough of Kensington, and granted permission to take the Borough’s Coat of Arms, mounted centrally within an eight-pointed star, as a cap badge. Colonel A. J. Hopkins VD was the commanding officer for a further year.
The Kensington Volunteers moved to a purpose built Headquarters at Adam and Eve Mews, Iverna Gardens, Kensington in 1908, now under the command of Lieutenant Colonel A Sutherland-Harris.
The 4th Middlesex [North] Volunteer Rifle Corps [VRC] [Kensington Rifles], under the reorganization of the Secretary of War, amalgamated with the 2nd. [South] Middlesex VRC, representing the London Boroughs of Kensington and Fulham. This amalgamation joined north and south Middlesex under one Battalion, called the London Regiment, Territorial Force Association.
The 13th [County of London] Battalion, The London Regiment [Kensington] transferred to a Territorial Force, with its Headquarters and A-H Companies, at Iverna Gardens, Kensington.
In January 1909, the Army Council declared the Battalion should become a ‘line’ regiment bearing colours, relieving the battalion of its ‘Rifle’ designation. Brigaded with the Queen’s Westminster’s [16th London], Civil Service Rifles [15th London], and the London Scottish [14th London] in the 4th London Infantry Brigade. Lord Truro and Lord Ranelagh decided on a grey uniform with red facings, a shako with a glazed peak. The belts were to be black and the uniform trimmings were of buff laces with silver appointments. To contain an assortment of necessary items a starched white haversack completed the uniform. Known as the ‘Grey Brigade’ mobilized for home defence at the start of the war although the uniform regularized to khaki some years previously.
The Regiments Headquarters built close to the home of Princess Louise, daughter of Queen Victoria. King Edward VII approached by The Regiment to ask if Princess Louise would associate her name with the regiment – he was to give his consent, she took an interest in The Regiment organizing the design and production of the regiment’s colours. The colours duly consecrated and presented to the Regiment by King Edward VII, at Windsor, on the 19th June 1909. Thereafter the Regiment referred to as the 13th London Regiment. The Princess Louise, four years later, consented to give her name to the Regiment.
In 1914, the 1st Battalion billeted in the White city stadium were there waiting to go to France – with The Expeditionary Force. The 2nd Battalion training at Abbots Langley, near Watford attended summer camp, for ‘Home Service; the 3rd Battalion recruited much later.
From the 27th July 1914, Britain began to respond to the gathering crisis in Germany. Two days later, British troops on leave recalled and the army mobilized. Lord Kitchener, the new Secretary of State, appealed for volunteers. An Expeditionary Force of six divisions [80,000 men] set sail for France… they arrived on the 6th August and moving northeast reached the small town of Mons, in Belgium. The first contact with the enemy was on the 22nd August.
By chance, The Kensington Territorial Force had just been assembling for summer camps – had entrained at Addison Road Station on 2nd August for Salisbury Plain. At 10pm, they receive orders to report to their Drill Hall. They were able to mobilize quickly, under their commanding officer Lieut.-Colonel F G Lewis, 1910-15. The first days of August were the time of the ‘Battle of the Frontiers’ waged against the German Army by the Belgians and the French. The losses were high and as the Germans were also attacking Russia… occupied of two fronts.
Battle of Cateau, 23rd August 1914. On 23 August 1914, the German 1st Army of General Alexander von Kluck arrived at Cateau – a village on the edge of Mons. They were following the Schlieffen Plan to outflank the Allies – to cut them off – from using the channel ports. The BEF comprised of four regular army divisions arranged as I Corps [Douglas Haig] and II Corps [Horace Smith-Dorrien]. Three hours later eight German battalions advanced against two battalions of the 3rd Infantry Division. D and B Companies of the 4th Middlesex Regiment were overwhelmed by the 31st. 85th and 86th German Fusilier Regiments. These three comprised the German 18th Division. – forced the British back towards Paris. By mid-day, the British began to withdraw. To assist them, they requested reinforcement from the 2nd Battalion Royal Irish.
Battle of Mons, 23/24 of August 1914. The 1/13th [County of London] Princess Louise’s Kensington Battalion, The County of London Regiment was mobilised on the 4th August 1914, two days after boarding the train for summer camp. They were to form part of the then 24th Brigade, 8th Division.
Ninety thousand men descended upon Southampton and Portsmouth to board ships for Boulogne, Rouen and Le Havre, under the command of Sir John French… their destination was Maubeuge. The Army consisted of four infantry and one cavalry division. A division at this time equalled about eighteen thousand men – this sum included support troops. Two or more divisions made up a corps and two or more corps made an army.
The landings completed by the middle of August. Almost immediately ordered into the line, alongside the French Army, trying to stem the tide of the German advance. The object was to hold the line located by the Mons-Conde Canal in Belgium. The British Expeditionary Force stationed on the left of the Allied Forces directly in front of the advancing 1st German Army, Commanded by Alexander von Kluck. In manpower, the German and French armies were equal at a million each. The British totalled eighty thousand The German Schlieffen Plans, which entailed encircling the Allies, had been carefully prepared. The BEF were crucial in keeping the line intact by stopping the German right wing. Both the British and the French 5th Army heavily engaged with the German 2nd and 3rd armies at the Battle of Charleroi. The French Army Commander, General Lanrezac instructed Field Marshal Sir John French the BEF Commander to hold the line for twenty-four hours. The BEF dug-in preparing for the onslaught that was bound to happen.
The battle opened at dawn on the 23rd August, with a German bombardment. There were four bridges over the canal… these the Germans had to force. Advancing in close-order, parade ground fashion, the advancing Germans were skittle down and forced to retire in confusion. Another attack formed in loose formation… this was more successful; using the plantations of fir-trees to shield them. On the right of the Royal Fusiliers were the Kensingtons and Gordon Highlanders… Both suffered grievously. Fortunately, the reserve battalion, the Royal Irish, gave sufficient steadying power to hold the bridges. Throughout the day, the British II Corps held out. It was obvious to all that holding the bridges were not going to last. The Kensingtons had suffered 15 officers and 353 killed or wounded nearly half the total. To the east, the Germans had penetrated the parameter, turning the right flank.
Sixteen days after initially digging in – becoming familiar with the place, ordered by Commander-in-Chief, General Joffre to retire, not out-flanked by the Germans. This British Army given the name contemptible by the German commander and considered Britain’s finest troops capable of rapid, accurate firing with their Lee-Enfield rifles, capable of 15 aimed shots a minute. Albert was a champion shot representing the regiment at Bisley. He was capable of double that figure.
At 15.00 the British 3rd Divisions ordered to retire to the south of Mons. Straightening the line the 5th Division also retired establishing a line through the villages. As news was received about the French collapse – pulling back exposing the British right flank, a further withdrawal was scheduled for that night. It was an invidious position to be in. There had not been time to organise a proper holding action. The British Army was now holding a defensive line on the Valenciennes to Maubeuge Road. All the time the Germans were advancing. This retreat lasted two weeks and covered 250 miles. The battle won by the Germans although at a tremendous price [5,000 casualties]. The advance nearly took them to Paris.
The remainder of the German 1st Army by this time assembled. Although the Germans advanced they lost considerably more men – it was considered a great strategic withdrawal… saving the French line from total collapse. The 4th Royal Fusiliers defended the northern approaches to Mons. The remainder of D and B Companies of the Kensingtons retreated to St. Symphorien cemetery on the outskirts of Mons. Early that afternoon the British could see they were unable to withstand the pressure. The French army was retreating south together with the Belgian army. The British had their flank exposed and in danger of being cut off, falling back to Etreux on the 27th August. It was claimed the ‘Angels of Mons’ had aided the British army. This was the first major action of the British Expeditionary Force – the retreat from Belgium to the Marne. The BEF was then moved to Flanders to be in easy reach of their supply base at the channel ports… arriving the second week of October.
Battle of the Marne, 5-14 September 1914. The fighting in Belgium and France was along traditional lines, which was of armies surging backwards and forwards… known as engaging, if moving forward and retiring if moving backwards. At the beginning of September, the Allied retreat slowed down as the Germans lost impetuous becoming further from their supply base. This resulted in the Battle of the Marne, which halted the German spearhead, lasting until the middle of the month. After the battle, Headquarters decided to move the BEF north to Flanders convenient to the channel ports. Travelling by train III Corps reached Abbeville on the 8th October, II Corps a day later and I Corps following on. On the 11th October, IV Corps found itself close to Bruges and Ghent. Three days later the last gap in the Allied line secured. The BEF held the line from Le Bassee to the river Douve… The French holding the southern flank.
1st Battle of Ypres, 15th Oct – 22nd Nov, 1914. Early on 3rd November 1914, the Kensington Battalion marching behind their band to Watford and entrained for Southampton. Embarkation was complete by the following morning. The Battalion sailed for Le Havre, which came in sight by midday… There they marched off to Rest Camp 1. The next day mounting railway trucks they steamed off for St Omer grasping their long Lee-Enfield rifles reaching their destination on the 6th. A period of training followed at Blendecques.
The major battle that first year for the British was the 1st Battle of Ypres fought October 19th by the BEF under the command of Field Marshal Sir John French. That month the Allies had reached Nieuport on the North Sea coast. The Germans captured Antwerp and forced its defender back. The 8th Division redeployed north, to join two divisions of reinforcements recently landed in Belgium. They advanced east from St Omer halting the German forces at the Passchendale Ridge. The Division lined up from La Bassee to Messines, there was little activity but you could hear the battle raging to the north. The French Army Command and General Foch believed a coordinated attack would result in the recapture of the industrial city of Lille, then Belgium finally capturing Brussels. The German General Falkenhayn had other opinions. He ordered the capture of Dunkirk, Calais, and Boulogne. He struck the Belgian defences on the Yser River.
By far, it was the worst battle fought – there was an almighty clash of troops. Only a few miles down the road was Ypres. There was constant hand-to-hand fighting as the battle swayed from one side to the other. The problem for the British was that the position was vulnerable to superior German artillery. The British made a stand forming a salient around Ypres, the Battle becoming ‘The Massacre of the Innocents at Ypres. The Innocents being eight German units of young volunteers many of them students.
Battle of the Aisne, late November 1914. Began the four-day Battle of the Aisne. The method of waging war changed to one of stagnation as each side settled down and dug Battle Lines. Henceforth the artillery and its insatiable appetite for ammunition and the strung barbed wire developed into the Western Front. The line from Ypres to Nieuport held by the Belgians; Bethune, Lens, Arras, Bapaume, Verdun, and St Quentin were to become synonymous with great suffering and death.
At the start of November 1914, the Kensingtons attached to the 8th Division as part of the 25th Infantry Brigade. The Brigade included the 2nd Lincolnshire’s, 2nd Royal Berkshires, 1st Royal Irish Rifles and the 2nd Rifle Brigade. The 8th Division allocated a four-mile stretch alongside the La Bassee Road and La Rue Tilleloy, just in front of the village of Laventie. Referred to The La Bassee Front lay opposite Auber’s Ridge northeast of Bethune, in Atois.
Battle of Nonne Bosschen, 11th November 1915. The last major attack on the British lines occurred on the 11th November. This battle became famous made by the Prussian Guards and they broke through the British lines. A counter-attack by the 1st Guards Division forced the British to take shelter in the woods later driven out by a counter-attack. The fighting secured the close bonding between the British and the French. The two armies fought side-by-side around Ypres in a fashion not used in earlier battles. The more the Germans extended their lines the more the Allied troops did too as the front stretched northwards up past Bapaume, Arras and Bethune… onwards to Ypres. During 4th November 1914, The Kensingtons marched to Estaires. This small mill town on the banks of the Lys was to become very familiar to the Battalion. The low-lying land around the river and bridge; the lined cobbled roads shaded by tall poplars on either side echoed to the sound of marching feet.
The 8th Division was part of General Sir Henry Rawlinson’s IV Corps… he inspected the Kensingtons that Sunday, after the Battalion had reorganized itself – into a four-company structure. He recognised the enormous efforts made. The 8th Division went into the line just south of the Belgian frontier, close to Armentieres.
By the end of November the terrible battles died down, both armies were spent forces needing to reform. The Salient later attached to the Belgian names of the farms, villages and features – Mouse Trap Farm, Cheddar Villa, Polygon Wood, Sanctuary Wood, Hill 60, and many more At Neuve Chappelle the 1st Battalion lost 160 men even though they had broken the German lines. The losses at Auber’s Ridge the losses were even higher reducing the battalion by thirty per cent. There were several awards granted and the gallant action by Captain Kimber rated a DSO. Over to the northeast a village on a ridge provided cover and observation posts for the German observers. They could see all that was going on. For the next four years this ridge was to become a raging sore, the landscape a pulverised mass of pocked marked soil… this was Passchendale. The Battle of Aisne ended on the 13th November 1914, the last battle of the first year of war. By December, the Germans decided to call off their offensive and to dig in – to resume the battle in the spring.
Back in England, in early October, parts of the 8th Division was forming up at Hursley Park near Winchester. Amongst them the 2nd Battalion Kensingtons. In the last days of December 1914, twenty-two Territorial battalions marched to join that British Force in France and within two further months, another twenty-six followed them. After the terrible casualties, the 1st London Division split-up to provide reinforcements for other Divisions. By March 1915, the 1st London Division ceased to exist as a unit… later that month, thankfully it was reconstituted – the gaps made good by men from the 2nd Battalion… together they became the 56th London Division.
Battle of Champagne, December – March 1915. The First Battle of Champagne took place between Rheims and Verdun. The French pressed relentlessly against the German positions. The Germans were better lead maintaining their front against repeated gallant attempts by the French. The whole of that year was a success for the Germans achieving striking victories against the Russians, whilst joining forces with Bulgaria to complete the conquest of Serbia.
Battle of Neuve Chappelle, 10th March 1915. That Christmas both sides exhausted the terrible weather the previous summer and autumn convinced the Generals on both sides that battle only restarted in the spring. The men gathered in the trenches trying to make the best of it trying to keep warm. During this period the territorial units, landing and marching to the front in September and October w initiated into trench warfare. This period gave the troops time to acclimatize and learn the ropes. The first spring battles were as much to demonstrate to their allies that they were willing to engage the enemy. Neuve Chappelle was on high ground looking down on Lille.
The Kensington Battalion attached to the 25th Brigade, 8th Division – as a regular division, engaging in their first major action at Neuve Chapelle. As with all newly formed groups. This battle planned as a local offensive mission involving the 7th and 18th Divisions. The Indian Corps, with the IVth Corps being to the north. The goal was Auber’s Ridge and the ground beyond. The Kensingtons were relieved on March 1st, and for the first time the four companies united in Billets in La Francas Mill, occupying Lines of Communications. A term used to describe troops who supplied the forward battle lines with ammunition – to keep the supply of shells going up to the front from the dump in the rear. Troop lines of communication consisted of reserves, pioneer support, and RE communications personnel, constructing support trenches, unloading railway carriages, and making sure the rations got through, and a host of other tasks to relieve the forward troops. Most of this work done at night with the Battalion horse teams. [The BEF had sixty-thousand horses to supply all arms.] The Battalion joined the now re-formed 1st London Division [56th] in the 168th Brigade under the command of Brigadier General Granville George Loch, CMG, on 8th February 1916. Brig Gen Loch commanded the 168th Brigade until it was demobilised… being Mentioned in Dispatches, and awarded the DSO.
The 1st Battalion, now reformed, occupied the outskirts – outside the town walls, of St Omer – a small provincial town with cobbled roads and looking very French. The large camp erected adjacent to the main road, Wagons and gun limbers lined the walls. Bell tents, accommodating eight men, provided with duckboard floors lined up in the field opposite. The ground was much used making the main paths muddy and bare of grass. Ditches circled the fields under thorn hedges. Of the remaining London Rifle regiment were fifty or so men of the 1st Division Kensingtons. Also using the facilities were men of the Rangers, who were in the next field.
The Kensingtons, together with the rest of the 25th Brigade, moved out and marched from Lestrem on March 9th equipped to move to the front. A meal was prepared at Rouge Croix and water bottles filled after which the battalion took up position in the support trenches. At 7.30 on the 10th, the artillery bombardment began preparing the advance half an hour later. The assault troops rose up clambering over the trench sides and surged forwards. Despite casualties, the advance continued with the supporting troops passing through keeping up the momentum. The Kensingtons meanwhile, a quarter of an hour later, moved forward from their support trench into the vacated breastworks to prepare for the follow-up – to attack the second objective.
The 25th Brigade not been so fortunate. They were on the left of the Divisional front supported by the 24th Brigade. They had moved off before the advancing troops had totally cleared the way. Although by 1pm the objective reached the German’s had recovered and beginning to strengthen their lines. That night neither side was aware what the morning would bring! The three-day event met with initial success. Unfortunately, again the early gains not exploited. There was a serious lack of coordination and the supple of ammunition.
The next morning further attempt made to drive the enemy out of the ruins of the village but the Germans were well concealed and protected by the collapsed houses making the village into a stronghold. The Germans began to put down an artillery bombardment and the attacking Kensingtons cut down. The battle for Neuve Chapelle collapsed, what gained consolidated. By the 16th, the dead still lay around; special recovery troops brought in to collect up the bodies. Five thousand killed or wounded. The Kensingtons lost 6 officers and about 150 men.
The thought that the war would be over by Christmas now quickly forgotten as all the troops started to settle down to make the best of it. The glorious weather was a distant memory of the past as the rain started to fall. This turned the onetime hard ground into vast areas of mud. The men were up to their knees in freezing water waiting for the next downpour. The Germans had opened and redirected the ditches so that the water flowed down hill towards the British trenches, which soon filled up.
The trenches stretched south from Armentieres to Festubert. The countryside was flat, plain and drab, with the hillier bits of Messines Ridge and the Ypres Salient to the north. To the south ranged mounds of coal tippings around Loos and Lens to the south. Although the area had battles fought over it, the countryside had not been pulverised into such a morass seen a few months later.
Second Battle of Ypres, Thursday, 22nd April 1915. By spring 1915, the fighting began again in earnest. The 1st Army attacked at Neuve Chapelle, a small rather insignificant village scarcely more than a cluster of scruffy cottages and barns. Three weeks later the 2nd Army, to the north, launched an attack on a huge artificial mound built up over any years of soil dug constructing the railway cuttings nearby. This great mound was the southern part of the Ypres Salient, and became known as Hill 60.
Battle of Gravenstafel, 22nd April 1915. This battle is significant – it staged the first large use of chlorine gas killing 6,000 French and colonial troops in ten minutes. The gas, denser than air, kept to the ground carried by the wind. It filled the trenches and dugouts forcing the defenders to scramble out to be mown-down by machine gun fire. The Germans had a victory but did not support it tactically not directing a follow up quickly enough. The Canadians recovered to put it a hasty defence.
Battle of St Julien, 24th April 1915. The village of St Julien lies behind Poelcappelle on the road to St Jean. The German advanced behind the gas storm. Pockets of Canadians, who halted the advance sufficiently to allow the Allied line to reform, ambushed them. The Germans released another cloud of gas and the Canadians broke, allowing the Germans to take the village. There followed several counterattacks by units of the Northumberland Division who lost three-quarters of their men, to no avail. The 2nd Royal Dublin Fusiliers continued the fight…
Battle of Frezenberg 8th May 1915. A German bombardment directed at the ridge. This succeeded in shattering the 83rd Brigade. Reforming, they halted the German advance by a number of desperate struggles. Eventually they gave way pushing the defenders back. The neighbouring Brigade gave sterling support stopping the German advance. The 84th were broken, allowing a two-mile gap to open up in the line. By a number of night attacks by the 10th Brigade, the line just held but the Germans were across the Menim road… In total, the Germans had advanced over a mile. A new commander Lt General Herbert Plumer promoted to carry on the fight.
Battle of Auber’s Wood and Festubert, 9th May 1915. There developed behind the lines a heated quarrel over the shortage of ammunition. In the second week of May, there occurred a great calamity for the Army who ran out of ammunition for the guns. The attack of the 15th May on the village of Festubert was fated. Both battles poorly conceived and executed proved very costly in lives. British and Empire troops forced back nearly to the gates of the city.
On the 28th May, the Battalion went into Divisional reserve. The billets at Laventie were a welcomed sight as the Battalion marched up occupying the trenches at Picantin in fine weather. It was late spring, the ground was hard and dry and the sun shone. The Battalion given the task of taking the crater made by the Royal Engineers under the German line. The Battalion taken out of the line to train for the event. The Kensingtons moved up to the start line on the evening of the 8th June. At 5.40am, the mines exploded and C and D Companies advanced. In spite of heavy losses took over the crater. A and B Companies followed along behind in support. Two hours after the start had secured the third objective – the crater and trench leading back to the old front line. The line extended to Delangre Farm. The supply of bombs now corrected, however, there was no sign of any back-up troops. The Brigade sent up the London Scottish in support. By midday, only twenty-four men were standing their ground. Only one officer and two bombers arrived, an hour later the Germans got to within ten yards and were beginning to bomb the crater.
Using the ammunition from a disabled machine gun the Kensingtons kept firing. The position was now desperate the machine gun ammunition was running out. At 2.45, General Pinney passed word to retire back to the Farm. By that time, no-man’s-land swept by German fire. The casualties piled up. Once reached the German gunners had range onto it and the remainder retired. The Germans now had surrounded the Kensingtons who had to fight their way out. Enormous bravery shown, but the day had been lost. The attempt to take Auber’s Ridge failed. By nightfall, fifty survivors reached Cellar Farm were they stayed until ordered to Croix Blanche. A roll call taken found that 13 officers and 423 other ranks lost, the Kensington Battalion now non-existent. The Battalion taken out of the line and put to Lines of Communication duties. The bodies of the men killed on the 9th never recovered. The period of Lines of Communication lasted from the end of the battle to the beginning of February 1916.
The 1st Army took part in the Battle of Artois on the British front. The French generals were very keen on a massive attack by the British at the same time they in the south would attack at Champagne. The French over-ruled the British generals. Kitchener declared that the British Army should do all that it could to help the French even though it would result in heavy losses. This would also help the Russians who were in need of urgent assistance to draw German reserves away from their front.
Any war has the advantage with the aggressor, he is better armed, better prepared, able to dictate circumstances, and has an initial weapons advantage. So it was with the Germans in early 1915…, later that year, they used poison gas and flame-throwers. German industrial output was fully geared to achieve maximum output for war production – particularly for munitions, something the British were to emulate only after the government attacked by the newspapers as, ‘letting the Army down’. The lack of artillery shells leaked to the newspapers by members of the military staff, to achieve publicity for their gunner’s plight.
The second attack at Auber’s Ridge revelled the British lack of guns and shells. Eventually this dramatic shortage made known to those back home that caused a political storm.
In May 1915, a new Ministry of Munitions was established. The British Forces increased from 35 0,000 to 800,000 by the end of the year. This increased force, Kitchener’s New Army, was engaged in training thought the land. It now understood by all involved the war was not going to be over quickly. The strictly amateurish beginning was now becoming a professional team. The wartime facilities upgraded to back up this new spirit of efficiency and professionalism. The new Short Lee Enfield Rifle was the best rifle produced. By now, recruitment had dropped alarmingly. The authorities forced to accept that conscription was the only answer. By May the 1st Divisions ready to be shipped abroad – to support the depleted BEF. The 9th, 14th and 15th Divisions were marched to the Somme front, which was now part of the British line.
2nd. Battle of Artois, June 1915. The French 10th Army suffered over 4,000 casualties. The battle a failure. This only goaded the French Commander-in-Chief, General Joffre to re-engage with greater vigour late that July. Again, there was little to show for the suffering the French army endured. By the end of 1915, they had endured nearly one and a half million casualties and the British, just under a third. The French would never again reach the same willingness to fight. It became clear that France could not win and if the German army concentrated all its efforts after beating the Russians. Joffre needed help and for that, he turned to the British. It became even more apparent that Britain had a similar problem to the French. They lacked comparable weapons and sufficient ammunition, especially artillery shells. Kitchener recognised that the fight extended into the following year. Until both countries could work out a better solution, they would have to engage in active defence in France. Kitchener’s eight-point plan accepted by the government.
In September, a series of offensives launched to punch a hole in the German lines. In the north, around Loos and Lens the British ordered to attack whilst the French concentrated in the south, in the region of Artois. The now reorganised and revitalized BEF were to go into action with six-divisions amounting to 72,000 men, supported by a five-day bombardment with guns adequately supplied with munitions.
Battle of Loos, 21st September 1915. The build-up for the battle began in late August when pioneer battalions and out of line troops rebuilt, strengthened, and drained the forward, communication and reserve trenches. Other troops ferried forward supplies and ammunition. Detailed preparations took all of August. The 1st Army had the task of being the attacking force. The ground fought over sprinkled with shacks, tiny hamlets, and villages… being a district of coalmines, slag heaps, pitheads… all closely linked by tracks and roads. The horizon was generally flat with gentle undulations and dips leading up to the Grenay-Hulluch ridge and Hill 70, to the east of Loos. The ridge and hill was of immense tactical value giving an excellent all round view of the area together with the various mineshaft’s winding gear towers at Fosse 8 and Tower Bridge. Nothing hidden from the German observers…
On the 21st September, the relative calm shattered by an artillery bombardment of the German front line. Four days later the Battle of Loos launched over flat, dull, open countryside – The village lay in a depression with long gentle slopes. To the east, there is a low hill, named Hill 70. Loos lies between La Bassee and the mining area around Lens. The battle raged as ten columns in extended lines, all in perfect alignment, moved forward. The German machine gunners traversed their guns backwards and forwards mowing down the lines of men – each line of a thousand men. As the wounded men struggled to rise, the Germans held their fire allowing the medical teams to take the wounded back. As soon as they had cleared no-mans-land, the Germans started machine-gunning the next advancing line of troops.
With the end of the battle, the front quietened down. As the year ended, many realised that although millions of men had died the end was still not in sight. The Kensingtons needed new replacements to make up their numbers.
After receiving another batch of reinforcements from England the Division was now back up to strength. A training schedule devised to make the Division ready for front line fighting. The 168th Brigade of the 56th London Division consisted of 4th London [Fusiliers], 12th London [Rangers], 13th London [Kensingtons] and 14th London [Scottish]. The Artillery, were Londoners and the Pioneers, the 5th Cheshires.
The reformed brigade marched off to Loos station there to entrain for Pont Remy. Arriving in pouring rain the brigade again marched off to Citerne. This village is set in undulating countryside with few cottages or hamlets. The weather was squally with occasional heavy falls of snow. The brigade housed in bell tents in a muddy field engaged in strenuous training exercises using the latest tactics and the latest weapons. The automatic Lewis gun with its pan of bullets was going to be an improvement, so too the new grenades. Every day groups detailed off to become expert in the use of these weapons including their use wearing a new style gas mask. Route and forced marches in full fighting kit made at least once a week. Both these distances over twenty-five mile soon led to men dropping out later picked-up by wagon. At last, the division set off, away from Citerne to Longpre – a large farm complex.
By the time the battalion arrived, many men were complaining about blisters. They had short shrift from the sergeant who told them that it was an offence to have blisters and any more complaints then the malingerers would receive punishment for not taking due care. This soon settles everyone down. Guards detailed off and the rest collapsed utterly exhausted. There were no blankets or food until the following day. Fortunately, the roads congested by marching Frenchmen and wheeled artillery, all racing to get to Verdun. Their movement delayed the battalion continuing their march giving them a couple of days of rest interspersed with whatever practices the sergeants could devise to keep the men occupied .I have chosen to write more deeply about Gommecourt and the battle which surrounded it. Vigorous training schedules were the order of the day: to become proficient with the new Lewis gun, Stokes mortar, and Mills bomb. Lectures given about: the new German flame-thrower, their gas attacks, how to use respirators, to resist its worst effects. Steadily, as each company became proficient, they took over the Hebuterne ‘Y’ and ‘W’ Sectors positioned on the left of the Somme front, the village lay opposite Gommecourt astride the D27 and 28 Roads.
In describing the battlefield, I have done so from left to right – looking northeast – towards the German Front Line. I refer to formation when speaking of a group of army units under one command. These works concentrate on the ‘W’ Sector of the front; describing life in a forward trench – a life lived by the many – over half would not live to see out the year.
During, and after the battle of Loos, Sir John French was out of tune with his Army. General Haig; believing the CIC allowed a chance at Loos to escape – to make a major break in the German line slip away. General Haig undermined the senior man’s position by casting doubts about his tactics. It worked, and French was retired. The unfortunate Sir Ian Hamilton, who was the next senior officer, by far the more experienced bypassed. Gallipoli had not gone well hampered by the Navy’s unpreparedness. This allowed Douglas Haig to step into the vacant position created by Sir John French retiring on 19th December 1915.
General Joffre wished to retain control of the Allied Forces. To ensure this would happen he placed the French Sixth Army alongside the new British Fourth Army under its commander Lieutenant General Sir Henry Rawlinson.
Sir Douglas Haig had an enlarged Army, from four Divisions in August 1914 to fifty-eight. To support this number of men it was necessary to have an increased supply structure. Haig’s Headquarters was well behind the front line and his Army Commanders each with their own Headquarters, a further distance away from him. Once battle had started reliable information from the leading troops impossible to receive. In other words once the battle plan had been agreed and instigated there was nothing left to be done but continue with the plan even if there were in some instances an overwhelming reason to alter it.
The pre-battle artillery bombardment was so intense that most telephone lines cut even though laid six feet below ground or two feet below the duckboards in the trenches. During the battle, some important messages took over five hours to receive an answer. In instances where the artillery had to change its firing pattern or a communication trench its use. Lack of information suggested the initial plan left alone.
A communication trench runs at right angles to the forward trenches – linking them together. They are used: to give cover and access to the troops relieving those manning the front line, to feed and supply the forward troops, to provide a means to pass on messages, and ferry the wounded back to field hospitals and railheads. The area commander directs that one communication trench is for ‘up’ traffic – to the front, and another for ‘down’ – back to the rear.
Messages, unless clear and simple, could only be a distraction, if not a total confusion during battle. This problem was recognised by General Rawlinson, whose doubts about the Territorial Army’s efficiency added to his insistence that, ‘The Push’ would be won by sticking to the plan. There is no doubt that the orders issued by the British GHQ before the battle were comprehensive. The problems now, were they the right orders and who was going to ensure the plan carried out?
The job of the battle commander was General Rawlinson – an infantryman, who had just returned from Gallipoli. Sir John French had appointed him. General Rawlinson distrusted the quality, resourcefulness, and tenor of the Territorial Army. It was in his nature to be dogmatic, insisting on attrition by his guns rather than surprise, and ridged formation by his men than adopting the lie of the land – the contours of the battlefield. His artillery expected to win the battle all other aspects left to infantry tactics set down in detail – comprehensively written up in ‘orders of the day’, which everyone had to keep to.
Communications on the battlefield before and after the start of an attack was primitive and unreliable. On the order to advance, the infantry lost to strategic command. The Generals had no idea what was happening: how successful the artillery, how efficiently the smoke screen, how the first wave got on, if the timing was kept to, what casualties there were, and if the follow up plan had been adhered to?
The Battle of The Somme was the result of the Chantilly Conference attended by the Allied commanders on December 5th, 1915. General Joseph Jacques Cesaire Joffre (62) was the Allied Commander in Chief. He believed that the autumn 1915 offensives in Champagne and Artois were tactical successes only brought up short by bad weather and lack of ammunition.
In early 1916, pressure mounted across the northern front. These were planned and executed to take the pressure off the French troops at Verdun, where the German Crown Prince’s’ army had pushed the French back. The main British contribution enacted on The Somme, a battle described as The Big Push.
Lt-General Allenby, British Third Army Commander and Lt-General Snow, its VII Corps Commander, devised their plan for the diversionary attack on Gommecourt and delivered it to General Headquarters on the 4th June 1916.
Rawlinson’s Fourth Army included temporarily part of Allenby’s Third Army the VII Corps, commanded by Lieutenant General Snow given the task to pinch out the Gommecourt salient, which protruded out on the Fourth Army’s left flank. This would create a diversion – draw German attention away from the main attack whilst Rawlinson attacked up the main road to Bapaume. The troops allotted to Lt General Snow were the 46th North Midland Division and the 56th London Division plus detachments of engineers and pioneers.
Major General Hull, the Division’s Commander, instructed the Kensington’s commander, Lt. Colonel Young, to ‘safeguard our flank’- by digging a connecting trench across No Man’s Land, and manning it. This special task given to Major Cedric Dickens, Young’s second in command. Charles Dickens grandson was a dedicated Territorial who attended Eton and Trinity Hall, and had trained as a Solicitor. He was well known and liked, playing a central role in the battalion. His men were well-educated office workers and business men. It needed someone of Cedric’s standing.
The Territorial Army was an updated version of The Volunteers. The Volunteers were part-time soldiers paid an hourly rate the same as the regulars, attending an evening’s drill per week, shooting at weekends and undertaking a fortnight’s summer camp. This force raised to defend the country when threatened and the regular troops abroad. Their headquarters and drill halls built in most large towns with their members drawn from the local citizenry. They did not serve overseas nor transfer to other units, but in fact did. It was these men, together with The Regulars made up the British Expeditionary Force (BEF).
The Terriers considered part of the nation’s social fabric – for The Gentlemen were the officers and The Players, the men. If this sounds rather amateurish and light hearted in many respects it was. The force described as a club where local men met, acted out a soldier’s life, and had a drink at the bar. Most Regiments and Battalions had their own Masonic Lodge a further binding institution. Every quarter there was a dance, an annual camp, and an outing for the officers and their wives. Weekend shooting, at various ranges including Bisley was a respected pastime in the calendar. The sergeants too had their club as did the men. Nevertheless, this system allowed the government to have a body of men who worked together – were immediately on hand for an emergency, and understood military procedures. The Volunteer reserves are an important fabric of the country. Having it in place allowed the government to use it for emergency relief and to back up the police force and other national services.
The regular officers were in the main men of the middle classed, conservative in persuasion although ignorant of political theory. Their pursuits were hunting, playing cricket, and after dinner games involving horseplay. Talking shop just not done! As Alun Chalfont remarks, in Montgomery of Alamein; ‘An army almost totally irrelevant to the needs of the situation’.
Five years before the war it was obvious to all that Germany was increasing its armed forces to a degree which took it beyond home defence or national security. It became apparent that the German aristocracy and military leaders were flexing their muscles and that a small incident could explode and turn into war. This is exactly what happened – Belgian’s neutrality violated, King Albert’s appeal to King George met, and Imperial Britain found itself at war.
Now the Territorials needed. Men, who had trained on the heath and led by the nation’s professional classes, called to the colours. These men controlled by an officer class whose previous experience based on the African Wars – where Churchill rode in the last cavalry charge at Omdurman. This was a force not long out of scarlet uniforms.
Throughout the war, neither side really achieved a break-though. The last Allied push, which came right at the end of the war, succeeded only by America’s intervention – with men and equipment. The introduction, of tried and tested massed tank formations did finally reap it’s just reward. The battle on the Somme fought right in the middle of the conflict. You will see how desperate the struggle was and how futile the sacrifices made.
There are two accepted methods of defeating a strongly held position. First, break through the enemy crust, followed by a push out into the country beyond, then circle back and pinch out the enemy’s supplies, whilst taking care to protect your own flanks. The second by repeated hammer blows – with a superior force, smashing all before your outward surge. Both need intelligence and information but the former needs hands on direction from the front.
In 1916, both the British and French Headquarter staff, and their respective political leaders, came to a joint conclusion: their country’s soldiers were at a disadvantage – the German Imperial Army better trained, better lead, and had better weapons… This enabled them to hold their western front and consolidate whilst looking ahead for the next conquest.
This recognition of Germany’s strength felt in France and on all other fronts too: Russia was finding it difficult to sustain their effort, Hamilton in the Dardanelles had called off the unequal struggle, Serbia was crushed, and the Italians were reliant upon the munitions of its allies. Closer to home at Ypres the combined western forces held at bay, and Kitchener had died at sea. There was little to give the allies hope.
There was a different attitude between the two sides. The Germans were in the main defending their gains, quite content to sit it out and wear down the attackers. Whereas the Allies were pressing, attempting to get behind the opposing front line. The former’s philosophy was to dig deep and establish their position. The latter wanted to be on the move and not become bogged down.
The Chief of Allied Command, General Joffre, was of the opinion that success achieved on the western front. As the French Supremo, he authorised the reduction of the French overseas forces. This would give him more men to build up his depleted forces, advised, the Russians would build up their army during the winter and would do their bit when the time came for a spring offensive. There was concord at the British and French Headquarters. Spring was to be the bearer of glad tidings.
The following is a brief summing up of G.H.Q. O.A.D. 12, of 16th June 1916. ‘The object behind the battle on the Somme is to secure a better observation platform – to the east of the Pozieres ridge, and to make it secure’.
The Germans had always chosen the high ground – not being pressed for territory. Now General Haig was being pressurized not only to relieve Verdun but to prepare a better jumping off place for future operations. He nominated General Sir H. Rawlinson to command his Fourth Army. If detailed planning the key to winning battles this was going to be a walk over. General Rawlinson intended to make it his business to produce a plan of operations that was perfect in detail.
Field Marshal Kitchener became Minister of War; he was under no illusion that this was going to be over quickly, or cheaply – in material or manpower. By 1915, it became clear more troops needed and a plan was put in place to recruit five hundred thousand more. Normal recruitment continued in Regular and Territorial units. Your country needs you was the adopted slogan. It was Kitchener’s magnetism galvanized the youth of the country to join the ranks.
By year’s end two million, two hundred thousand men had volunteered. Many of these men were in France about to fight at the Battle of Ancre that summer. During the interim training took place. Selected officers, NCO’s, and men, detailed off for front line experience attached to serving units.
It accepted, by all units, that when major attacks and battles fought a core of each battalion kept aside to train any new intake should disaster befall. This was a sensible move and paid off when so many men were lost after the Somme battles.
The training consisted of getting used to a number of set routines. Before dawn, the men roused to prepare for ‘stand to’ and, ‘man the firesteps.’ This was to prevent a surprise dawn raid. On many morning there was the usual ‘hate’ first shots made to inform the enemy you were alert and ‘on guard.’
Men cooked their own breakfast in small groups, shaving, washing, and cleaning continued in-between duties fetching and storing supplies. Both sides were doing exactly the same thing respecting each other’s periods of domestic calm. At night, the reverse occurred until all was relatively quiet. Then the night owls came out to repair the wire, lay signalling wire, repair trenches and parapets and detailed off for working parties. Sentries posted and patrols sent out to capture prisoners, survey the ground ahead, and arrange the laying of trip wires.
At French Headquarters Petain promoted to command the Tenth Army Group and Nivelle given command of Verdun. On June 11th 1916, Petain asked Joffre to speed up the British attack on the Somme. He was desperate because Fort Vaux had fallen and he needed relief from the German pressure.
Twelve days later the Germans introduced the diphosgene gas shell and panic set in. It paralyzed the French artillery. Three days later the German almost scaled Belleville heights – the last outpost of Verdun. Petain made ready to evacuate the east bank. Four divisions quickly dispatched to him by Joffre further weakening Rawlinson’s force.
The French were facing losses of a hundred thousand men a month at Verdun. They needed a strategic diversion and there was only the British Army who could do it. Joffre and Haig agreed that the British Fourth Army would attack along a fourteen mile front north of the River Somme proceeded by an artillery bombardment lasting five days. The French Sixth Army would attack on a six-mile front south of the river. It was this army whittled down as troops withdrawn to bolster those at Verdun.
General Haig’s opinion was that Guillemont was ‘not the most suitable place’ to make a breach in the German line. Nor did he concur with General Rawlinson’s preference for a sustained artillery bombardment followed by an orderly follow-up by waves of infantry. These tactics he allowed to take place under a certain amount of duress.
Rawlinson was an Infantry General and Haig a Cavalry man who was new to the job. When Haig accepted the entreaties by General Joffe, to give succour to the French troops at Verdun he relied upon Rawlinson to deliver the goods. General Haig was a man of supreme confidence – of his own self-worth. This self opinionated man was one of many such leaders. Perhaps they gained this high opinion by fighting armies from lesser nations in both military thinking and hardware. Headquarter staff considered that as military leaders from the world’s greatest Empire they were naturally superior. Whatever, it was this confidence, in their own ability, that was misplaced, and their military skills proved to be sadly lacking.
The British army’s GHQ Staff were as good as any. The weapons, at this point in the war, roughly equal, and the planners, second to none. What was lacking was good infantry tactics. Rawlinson’s tactics used during the earlier stages of trench warfare was to shell the enemy frontline trench, at which point friendly infantry would leave the safety of their trenches, advance and seize the enemy trenches. However, this tactic of preliminary bombardment was largely unsuccessful. The nature of no-man’s-land (filled with barbed wire and other obstructions) was one factor. For a unit to get to an enemy trench line, it had to cross this area, secure the enemy position, then face counterattack by opposing reserves. It also depended on the ability of friendly artillery to suppress enemy infantry and artillery, which was frequently limited by deep dug-outs, revetments, lack of suitable ammunition, and inaccurate fire. No attention paid to freedom of movement, use of terrain, covering rifle fire, and night fighting.
In Haig’s second Despatch, printed 29th December 1916, he submitted the principle of the Somme battle. It drew attention to his army’s lack of training – that any attack had to be in unison with what the French, Italians, and the Russians doing. Laying great emphasis on the pre-battle preparations regarding military and human resources, about the difficulties he was faced with, claiming rightly: that the German front and rear lines were strong, that the ability of flanking fire from both machine guns and artillery, a problem.
The proof if the battle had been successful seen in the final casualty figures and the psychological effects it had on both armies. Strong highly planned nightly attacks, along the whole front line initiated by area commanders knowing their front intimately would have created the same relief to the French as to the British, and saved many thousands of men’s lives.
The assault on Verdun by the German Crown Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria created confusion. If matters got out of hand for the French the offensive might turn out to be a British responsibility, and that the French definitely did not want. Rawlinson returned to his Headquarters at Querrieu after accepting that the French Sixth Army was going to join in the general assault. He gave orders that all the corps commanders and heads of staff and branches should meet up. Generals Hunter-Weston, Morland, and Congreve would be there as well as Birch, the chief gunner and Montgomery – Rawlinson’s chief of staff.
Rawlinson laid out a detailed report of his findings. The army would attack in June or July. VII Corps would join them from the Third Army. The artillery reinforced by heavy howitzers – and there would be no stinting on ammunition expended. There were to be many batteries to back up the big guns. There were not that many guns at the time. Artillery numbers had doubled later on.
A new order from Headquarters required signalling cable buried at least six feet into the ground… complex switch lines also laid. Roads had to be made-up and widened and the railway track extended closer to the frontline.
Considering the poor weather and trenches over use they had to be continually maintained, and where possible deepened. All this extra administration and supply needed a reserve of 4-5000 men to keep pace. These front line maintenance programmes and improvements were lead and organized by the engineers.
The strength of the Fourth Army and the G.H.Q. Reserve would double the numbers of men to 500,000 with 100,000 horses, and an increase in motorized vehicles. Training put in hand immediately so that every part of the battle plan understood. General Rawlinson laid great emphasis on the necessary supply of oil, fuel, water, and food stuffs. Dugouts prepared for the medical centres, dressings, and drugs stocked up.
Ammunition dumps placed in areas as convenient to resupply as possible. Sidings and new track laid as close as possible to the gun parks. The battle going to be as well organized as possible. Rawlinson insisted that every aspect, ‘must be considered and dealt with’. He intended that there should be no blame meted out for any errors in administration.
By the end of 1915, after the Battle of Loos, the front quietened down. It was obvious to all that although many men had died the end was still nowhere in sight. At home the country was at last waking up to the terrible conclusion that this was going to have to be outright war and everyone was going to have to contribute. Only new: tactics, weapons, and attitudes, were going to win through. Gradually, as the men enlisted – taken from the workplace, women took over their jobs. In many instances, they were doing them better. Women were more amenable and capable of far more intricate work where precision was required.
The Kensingtons needed new replacements to make up their numbers. After receiving another batch of reinforcements from England, they were back up to strength. A new training schedule devised to make the Division ready for front line fighting. This was neither the first time the battalion reinforced nor its last.
The reformed brigade marched off to Loos station and there to entrain for Pont Remy. Arriving in pouring rain the brigade marched off again to Citerne. This village is set in undulating countryside with few cottages or hamlets. The weather was squally with occasional heavy falls of snow. Again, the brigade housed in bell tents in a muddy field. The next day they engaged in strenuous training exercises using the latest tactics and weapons.
The automatic Lewis gun with its pan of bullets was going to be an improvement, so too the new grenades and Stokes mortar. Every day groups detailed off to become expert in the use of these weapons, whilst wearing the new style gas mask. Route and speed marches, in full fighting order, were made at least once a week; distances over twenty-five mile soon led to men dropping out, to be picked up later by wagon. At last, the division set off away from Citerne to Longpre – a large farm complex.
By the time the battalion got to Longpre many men were complaining about blisters. They had short shrift from the sergeants who told them that it was an offence to have blisters and any more complaints then the malingerers would receive punishment for not taking due care. This soon settles everyone down. Guards detailed off and the rest collapsed utterly exhausted. There were no blankets or food until the following day.
The roads congested by marching Frenchmen, and wheeled artillery, all racing to get to Verdun. Their movement delayed the battalion from continuing so they had a forced couple of days of rest, interspersed with whatever practices the sergeants could devise to keep them occupied.
The rolling hills and shallow valleys gave Picardy an appearance of Salisbury Plain. It also gave well-remembered names – High Wood, Thiepval, Trones Wood, Martinpuich, Fricourt, Delville Wood, Ginchy, and Combles to mention just a few. If compared to Ypres it had space, unobstructed views, and open countryside, suitable for unrestricted action. Those of a more frivolous nature described it as good hunting country. The regions ground surface was above layers of chalk, an ideal structure to construct deep shelters and communicating trenches.
The Germans were experts at making the most of their front line putting all their ingenuity into making substantial living accommodation to back up the forward troops. Both sides dug like mad to make extensive trench systems. Once again, the object in battle was to take the strain off the French who were suffering many casualties at Verdun.
It is well to remember how the land north of the Somme was defended and by whom. In September 1914, when the Germens were trying to outflank the French, both sides tried to outflank the other until the British laid claim to the Channel ports, the French the Pas de Calais, the Belgians an area of land west of the river Yser, and the Germans the industrial heart and the coalfield, of Belgium and northern France.
In February 1916, Joffre intended to offer up an offensive riposte to areas north and south of the Somme he passed over the French Tenth Army’s front to the British. By spring 1916, Allenby’s Third Army held the land to the north of Hebuterne and the Fourth Army land to the south; this area of combat changed after the second day of the battle to called The Reserve Army. The Fourth Army Sector was concentrated further south – on Becourt.
The French had been the temporary custodians of Foncquevillers and Hebuterne. This was French land and they wanted the invaders out… This attitude describes the psychological moment: the British wanted to get the war over, and return home, the French wanted their usurped land back… both wanted movement not static defence. The Germans had taken the land – its resources and industry, and had for the moment other fish to fry – they were also fighting the Italians and the Russians, and not in a hurry to move… In which case they thought why not makes the station comfortable and secure?
The German command had to instil discipline and order, to make their men happy. They set the men to work to make the line impregnable… letting the local commanders devise the best ways – to make their front efficient and militarily daunting to the enemy.
There is no better way for a leader to get cooperation from the men than to give them a chance to make their life more comfortable. The German trenches were in many cases fifteen feet deep, with dormitories, cook-houses, latrines and wash areas, stores, and armouries – all cut or buried into the ground, boarded and propped. Stairs, companionways, with reinforced head cover; wattle and board trench sides and raised duck-boards. Gun positions, machine gun nests, trench mortar pits, pill boxes, sentry boxes, observation and periscope sites, all frequently constructed using concrete.
The trench system linked to communication trenches running back to their rear lines, with tunnels leading to vital sectors many lit by electricity and the sides taking telephone wires. Isolated hamlets, villages and factories, bisected by the front line, adapted and converted into fortified positions – as forts along the wall.
The German artillery and machine guns laid and registered onto key British positions with the distances, indicated by marker stakes. This preparation allowed for immediate firing; each gun capable of overlapping lanes of fire with their next along the trench – to cover the open ground ahead, and where possible enfilade on either flank. All along the front banks of staked barbed-wire many yards thick ran out into no-man’s-land.
It was these well constructed trenches that the first then the second wave had to suppress, navigate, and pass through, allowing the third wave to clear – by bombing and take prisoners. Further waves brought along spare ammunition and grenades and later waves got down into the trench to reverse the firing step and opened up access points, clearing blocked intersections and shell damage. Finally, the stretcher bearers attended to the wounded and the dead. All this had to be negotiated and made secure before a break-out could attack the enemy rear. All this was to come if all went well.
During early May the 46th Division was out-of-line resting in their billet at Lucheux. After the mud, cold, and wet of Vimy, they appreciated the better weather, the good billets and the excellent country in which they now found themselves. The Chateau de Lucheux and the gateway, stands on the edge of a forest a few miles north of Doullens. As in all out-of-line camps fatigues carried on, in this case, the men made revetments – to line trench sides.
The 56th Division marched to Souastre continuing their training much as the 46th were doing at Lucheux. A fortnight later they set off again, to march to Hebuterne, whilst the 46th occupied their billets at Foncquevillers. Both these villages held old French lines prepared in 1914. The sixteen or so miles both Divisions had to make completed in the morning. Divisional Headquarters allowed them two days rest: exploring their local villages, doing some washing, and having a canvas bath.
Shouldering their rifles, they formed up again, to march onto Magnicourt. There they continued practicing attacks and had further instruction of bombing, and another exhibition of the German flamethrower, being told its uses and problems. The Generals were continually thinking of ways to keep the men occupied to prevent boredom and slack ways.
The Germans had launched a massive attack on the French Line at Verdun on 21st February 1916, and the battle was still raging, the French had lost almost half a million men. To alleviate the strain on the French it was decided that the British should make a strong attack on the Somme. Although the battle has been given the name of the Somme it was in fact the Battle of Ancre – another river, more central to the action.
This battle not planned in isolation. The policy was to keep pressing the Germans on all fronts, in unison, which included the Italian and Russian fronts. All units had to send in night attacks to take prisoners and extract information about the opposing formations. The main battle-front lay between Gommecourt to the north and Maricourt in the south. On the north of Ancre lay the village of Beaumont Hamel and Serre four miles south of Gommecourt.
The Somme is the name for a French administrative department taken from the name of the river, which runs through the region. The part held by the British was the northeast corner overlapping into the next department the Pas de Calais. This region of France formed part of the old province of Picardy; an old Roman road linked its cathedral city Amiens and two smaller towns of Albert, northeast of Amiens, and further still Bapaume.
The region was crossed by two rivers the Somme and the smaller Ancre. The Germans were defending their gains. The Allies, intent upon pushing them back. The former, constructed deep secure trenches and dugouts whilst developing small villages into miniature forts. The latter, believed such tactics created a ‘Sit it out’ attitude. The British high command trusted to mobility and attack.
What was typical, the Germans always seemed to hold the high ground; not only could they observe what was going on, but knew that any attack had to be made uphill! They were more interested in securing a defensible position than more land. If this suggests that their leaders were more able, militaristic, and forward thinking, perhaps they were. What was true is that they were on somebody else’s land and their supplies came by road not by sea. As the advantage favoured the British attackers, in this instance, as in many others, the Germans held the higher, stronger position.
Both sides were at this time depending on attrition – pounding their opponents into the ground. Not very subtle but the victor would be he who could sustain it longest. Putting in attacks that could not be sustained, wasteful. The battle of the Somme is a case in point, never imagined that it would finish the war and it certainly never had sufficient resources. The result was stalemate. Both sides were soaked in blood and worn out – for it all had to be gone through again! Did the powers that be ever learn lessons? I am not sure they did, the age of the tank and American intervention was to come.
When General Haig devised this battle on the Somme he considered just how he could give the attack a better chance! Whilst he considered this he told the commanders of his First, Second, and Third Armies to carry out constant threatening moves – to keep the German troops on their toes. Like all good commanders he consulted his Intelligence section and took sounding from his staff. A diversionary movement was not new as all commanders engage one and these were usually at a distance from the main attack. The flanks were an ideal place and on the right was a salient sticking out which would be convenient to have straightened. His mind made up. Gommecourt would be ideal. As he could not take any forces away from General Rawlinson, so he contacted General Allenby Commander of his Third Army.
To the Third Army, he gave this extra job – to mount a full-scale attack on Gommecourt. The plan,to remove the salient and cause a diversion – to delay, or stop German reinforcements backing up their troops opposite the main British thrust – advance up the main road from Albert towards Bapaume made by Lt-General Rawlinson’s Fourth Army, backed up and supported by Lt-General Gough’s Reserve Army, whom it was hopedwould break out into the countryside beyond.
Neither Allenby nor Rawlinson liked the plan because there was a gap between their Army and Rawlinson’s Fourth – leaving no protection to the right flank, of the attacking force, between Gommecourt and Serre, covered by the 10th Division.
Behind Gommecourt – to the north, was the Quadrilatera,l a defensive position surrounded by tracks. Southwest the village: high street, crossroads, chateau, park, wood, orchards, and cemetery. By the time of the battle there were three lines of German trenches and interlocking communication trenches, plus their dug-outs and fortified posts. The whole lot constituted The Kern Redoubt.
From the centre of the main British attack at Albert, Gommecourt is some ten miles to the north. All the villages, through which the German front line ran, were turned into fortified strong-points. The Kern Redoubt was one, if not the main, major defence systems in the line and as such going to be an extremely difficult position to take. This was not obvious to the casual observer, for all the main troop stations were underground with passages to specific locations and key outer defences. The machine gun nests camouflaged; some with top cover others in strategic positions dictated by the attackers approach. The defending artillery used a counter battery and bombardment, hidden by woods. In front of the firing line was staked barbed wire strung to a minimum depth of ten feet. Both the Z – a ziz-zag in the line to the north, and the finger of park jutting out in the south, allowed machine gun fire to enfilade those attacking their front line.
Lieutenant General Sir Thomas D’Oyly Snow KCB, KCMG, 1858-1940, was born in Newton Valence. He attended Eton and St John’s College, Oxford, obtaining a commission in 1879. Promoted Captain 1887, took part the wars in Africa reaching staff rank in 1897. At the outbreak of the 1st World War he commanded the 4th Division finally becoming commander VII Corps on 15th July 1915. His force at Gommecourt comprised the 46th North Midland and 56th London Divisions.
It was Snow’s plan and his alone, to create a pincer movement round the strongly held Gommecourt Park – the tip of the German salient. He had however, no freedom of action about the numbers of artillery pieces he could muster, the type or numbers of shells allowed for each gun, or the timing of his attack… for these had to conform to the main battle plan devised by Rawlinson.
The diversions goal was nothing to do about taking land or about killing Germans. It was purely to draw German attention away from the main battle area and keep him occupied. Whereas, Snow’s action suggests encirclement and elimination.
If he had planned a push using all his forces, on the weakest part of the German front line – somewhere where they could not be shot at by machine gun fire, whilst making his flanks secure his action would have had a far greater effect. A narrow front allowed a greater concentration of fire – on batteries to the front and in its rear.
The then current General Staff instructions was that no attack made when having to advance more than 200 yards from the enemy. Snow stressed before the battle – to his two divisional commanders, ‘this is a diversion to support the main battle, your role is a strictly limited one there being no reserves, and your attack should only take place when the German defences had been destroyed by the artillery;.
Here were two guidelines that are restrictive but important; if there is no strategic point in any attack and success relys on a single outcome losses are futile if the reservations are not met. However, both stipulations need close observation – positive proof by actual verification.
There are no references to such a detailed examination: who was to make the on-the-spot decision, by what means the information made known to those in charge. Only the commanding officer at the front can decide if orders met. If he cannot be certain by personal knowledge he needs good, reliable information. On the day, neither of these considerations met. The first essential acknowledged well before the battle planned the second within the first five minutes of the disaster.
Opposing his men, General Fritz von Below’s 2nd Guards Reserve Infantry Division (3 Corps = 15,000 strong), formed in August 1914 from non-Guards reservists from Westphalia, Hanover, and smaller German states adjoining Prussian provinces. They included artillery, cavalry and engineers. The Division made up of the 26th Reserve Infantry Brigade, the 15th & 55th Regiments: and the 38th Reserve Infantry Brigade, the 77th & 91st.
From spring until late June 1916, there was feverish activity along the Allied front which was gaining momentum. It was obvious to all, particularly the Germans, that there was going to an attack. This was even more evident to the German 2nd Reserve Division Reserve Regiments; all were purposely allowed to see preparation taking place. This was part of the ruse to draw attention away from the main British attack.
General Haig’s plan was to create a series of faints along the whole front – and to make them obvious. This order carried out to the letter – all preparations were made openly. In May, von Below was informed by his Operations Branch that, ‘air surveys had reported the construction of a broad-gauge railway, new highways, and gun positions.’ Falkenhayn ordered his pioneers to construct a third line of defence – to give extra retiring positions.
A detachment of 8″ howitzers transferred, made up of captured Russian guns. However, Falkenhayn believed the British will only pin down the front – not make a serious attempt at Gommecourt. However, by 1st June, Below worked out by evidence that the British were going to attack Gommecourt and he ordered his men to be watchful. Practices were carried out to see how long it would take from a warning to get men up from the deep dug-outs, assemble their machine guns, and start firing – the eventual target was three minutes.
Fritz von Below and Prince Rupprecht were right, expecting the Gommecourt Salient, in particular would be a main target. Falkenhayn thought the British attack would be further north and refused to send extra troops. At the start of the battle, the Germans outnumbered by seven to one. Lt-General Snow told General Haig,’ They know we’re coming all right.’ p 106, The Somme, A. H. Farrar-Hockley. Von Below reinforced the Gommecourt Sector with the 2nd Guard Reserve in the middle of June and later with the 170th. Reserve Regiment. 2nd Guards Reserve Division commanded by General Freiherr von Susskind – part of Stein’s XIV Reserve Corps incorporated: 15th Infantry Regiment, 55th Reserve Regiment, 77th Reserve Regiment, 91st Reserve Regiment, 170th Reserve Regiment (added later, as support in June).
All German units had, at full-strength, a composite of 800 men in nine battalions. This was approximately half that of the British. The main difference between the two armies was in training, the number of machine guns per regiment, and artillery support supplied with appropriate ammunition.
Originally there were two German Regiments and their artillery holding the salient. This increased to four with a number in support. The two new regiments brought with them their artillery to add to the 19th and 20th Reserve Field Artillery Regiment’s fifty plus – which already positioned there. A number of heavy howitzer batteries were included. All these guns could reach the VII and VIII Corps troops – opposite Serre and Beaumont Hamel.
Behind the 56th Division was the beautiful village of Hebuterne. The capital of the area was Amiens where the cathedral declared the regions religious obedience. The land described as chalk-land. Hebuterne was one of the areas largest towns. A few cottages lined the road with tall stately trees behind which lay orchards and gardens. Amongst these trees the French, the previous occupants, had constructed a number of trenches. The place was typical of the region. All the buildings were built of red sand brick except the church which was of imported stone.
The main employer in the village had been the owner of the brick built mill. Its ruins and cellars now formed the battalion headquarters with all the usual staff: the Adjutant, RSM, clerks, runners, signallers, and cooks etc. – the entrances protected by sandbagged abutments. The French had also constructed trenches on the eastern side of the village closest to Gommecourt Wood using a number of inter-connecting communication trenches to give access for supply teams during the hours of darkness. Nearby was a bunker known as The Keep.
The village nestles between the British 3rd and 4th Armies, opposite the salient village of Gommecourt: it’s chateau, park, wood, famous tree – the Kaiser Oak, and crossroads. In parts of the front line, the German trenches were only fifty feet away with a hedge in between. The Germans could be heard talking to each other.
By the time the British occupied their front line in 1916 Hebuterne was deserted – a ghost-town – a shadow of its former past, it was in ruins. Even though the village and church had suffered terribly the tower still stood proudly silhouetted against the sky. As with all strongpoints the Germans had the church entrance well within their artillery range – and zeroed-in – even though the entrance had been sandbagged it was a dangerous place to linger.
By standing at the Hebuterne crossroads looking a mile north you see the village of Gommecourt with its Cemetery and Park. Between Hebuterne and Gommecourt grew a hedge, interspersed with a few trees lay in a coombe, a slight valley at an angle to the rise. This is where an advance trench was to be prepared.
The attack at the Gommecourt salient was to be a diversionary one – to delay or stop German reinforcements backing up their troops, being attacked by the main British thrust up the main road – the main supply road from Albert towards Bapaume. This Big Push was to be made by the British Fourth Army led by General Rawlinson backed up and supported by the Reserve Army of Sir Herbert Gough, whom it was hoped, would exploit the penetration by creating a rout in the German rear.
From the centre of the main British attack Gommecourt is some ten miles north. The salient sticks out into the British sector you couldn’t help but be drawn to it! Gommecourt is on a slight rise, dominating the countryside around. The trees in the park had by this time been stripped of their leaves by shellfire. It is the village, Park and Cemetery which are contained in the Kern Redoubt whose administration centre was the Quadrilateral, a fortified box – formed by tracks on all sides.
The German front line trench outlines the spur and these features. Behind the line the D6 road from Fonquevillers south to Serre. The coombe between the two chalk banks held No Man’s Land. The Crucifix on the British front line stood on the shoulder of the valley.
As with all German held villages situated on their front line, the buildings became fortified strongpoints making this a very strong fortified position. In front of the German trench line runs barbed wire strung on iron stakes in a series of rows, the wire made the position impregnable. The German Front Line trench serviced with support and guard lines all linked to the communication trenches, which stretched back to the central fortress.
The German Front Line was a deep trench well revetted bearing a parapet. It was dug twelve to fifteen feet deep shored up at intervals with timbering and wicker-work. Along its length was further strengthened by reinforced bomb-proof shelters. Cut into the rear of the German trench were deep dugouts some served with its own periscope on a tripod. It was the job of the observation squad to inform their colleagues if an attack was in being made. A number of tunnels and cuttings lead back to the new third trench… one in particular lead back from the big Z on the 46th Divisions front an important contribution to the German counter attack.
When the alarm raised a timed response (three minutes) was put into practice whereby the machine-gun teams assembled their weapon for rapid fire. It was these machine-gun teams and supporting artillery the chief danger to both Divisions advancing troops. They were sited where they would do most damage having a clear field of fire each situated where they could enfilade the area to their front.
The German artillery parks, of all calibers, hidden in the woods behind Gommecourt. They were of equal, if not superior in number, to their British counterparts. John Masefield ably described the position: ‘Though the Gommecourt position is not impressive to look at, most of our soldiers are agreed that it was one of the very strongest points in the enemy’s fortified line on the Western Front. French and Russian officers, who have seen it since the enemy left it, has described it as “terrible” and as “the very devil.” There can be no doubt that it was all that they say.’
It is important to understand that all towns, villages, and hamlets along the German Front Line linked into the forward position. Each provided a strong point where the houses, garden walls and hedgerows provided some sort of cover. Linking all were revetted trenches, dugouts, mini forts, pillboxes, sentry boxes, and machine gun nests. This was not particularly special to the salient, although in fact Gommecourt strongly defended, for all along the German front line their trenches were better constructed.
Forming the hub of all this was the command centre in the Quadrilateral. The whole salient dented the British Sector. It wasn’t as if all these strong point were obvious to the onlooker, for the strong points were well hidden and strengthened to withstand a direct assault or close heavy fire. The Germans had the time and the inclination to make themselves as comfortable and as impregnable as possible
The German 170th Reserve defended this fort. They wanted to survive and to see another day! Part of the German defence was to set up their machine guns so that they could sweep their front and cross over the next in line. At night, each gun was set up on fixed lines to cover a particular weak spot or gap in the wire. The gun discharged at irregular moments throughout the night dissuading nightly patrols and repair parties.
Against them was pitted the 46th and 56th Divisions who were asked to walk across No Man’s Land, in line, evenly spaced out, whilst trying not to bunch up, or take shelter. If they could keep pace with the advancing barrage, assured the Germans were not going to stand up on their firing steps but were going to keep their heads down. This creeping barrage was there to force the enemy to keep below their parapet.
As there had been an almost continuous gunfire for the previous week, planned to destroy the banks of staked barbed wire and gun nests, taking the Redoubt was not, it was thought, going to present a problem.’ This was the considered belief at British Headquarters. Others less knowledgeable thought this show was going to be literally, ‘A walk over.’
Two days before the attack was due, it was reported that there were great gaps in the German wire and some of the positions vacated. On the 46th Division’s front patrols reported there were no gaps and that a large unreported hollow in the ground filled with unmarked wire. General Farrar-Hockley in his book The Somme p102; ‘The officers commanding many attacking units knew very well that on their own front the wire had not been satisfactorily cut and was very much an obstacle to any advance. Brigade and divisional commander knew it and photographs were available that proved it but nothing was done about it!
The weather was squally with occasional heavy falls of snow. Again, the brigade was house in bell tents in a muddy field. The next day they engaged in strenuous training exercises using the latest tactics and weapons. The automatic Lewis gun with its pan of bullets was going to be an improvement, so too the new grenades. Every day groups detailed off to become expert in the use of these weapons, including their use wearing the new style gas mask. Route and forced marches, in full fighting kit, was made at least once a week. Both these distances over twenty-five mile soon lead to men dropping out to be picked up by wagon. At last, the Division set off away from Citerne to Longpre – a large farm complex.
Casualties had been so bad at the Battle for Loos that The Kensingtons and Irish Rangers had amalgamated. When replacement became available – from training in Britain, shipped over to fill up the vacant places, allowing both battalions to reform. They were now in training at Halloy which gave the replacement troops time to become familiar with the old salts, and for them all to become proficient with the new Lewis machine gun and Stokes mortar. Particular emphasis on their bayoneting skills. Lectures and demonstrations given to re-introduce the skills necessary. Steadily, as each company became proficient, they took over the Hebuterne sector, on the left of the Somme front – opposite Gommecourt.
A close study of the Somme battles and particularly the attack at Gommecourt, which although a subsidiary, gives a picture of the thinking processes of those engaged in organizing and conducting warfare at that time. A great deal of confidence given to what was expected by the various artillery pieces and their ammunition.
Time and again in both world wars it was proved that the artillery did not achieve what was expected. Even if great care is taken by sighting and laying the guns, it needs a spotter’s identification to register a correct fall of shot before trying another and even then you do not know the actual result. To fire a gun half a mile away from the target so that the shot falls into a trench three feet wide needs many attempts. The shell must be fused to ensure it explodes before being buried in the mud, or just at the lip of the trench – to achieve maximum devastation. To take out a machine gun nest built three sand bags high to give cover to the height of a crouching man, sitting on the ground, in a five-foot circumference – large enough to accommodate his number two, spare ammunition and cooling tank and all covered with a shrapnel proof roof of turf that protects and camouflages, is very difficult.
The Germans were purposely forewarned about the attack but not the timing. At the start of the barrage had either dropped below the parapet into a twelve-foot deep dugout or retired back to a rear trench. They had practiced many times to get to their weapon pits, erect their guns, and stand to.
Staked banks of coiled barbed wire even if subjected to exploding shrapnel is not always severed, and even if it is, it doesn’t just fall to the ground in neat pieces, but resumes its coil – tends to spring back. To rely upon it being passable – when so much at stake, and not make any proper verification, is foolhardy. Until the following year when more tanks appeared the wire was going to continue to be one of the great hazards for the battle planners. As soon as the enemy saw an effort was actively being made to cut, blow up, or tow away, they knew an attack was imminent.
The troops engaged in the attack on the Kern Redoubt were mainly those of the Infantry. The basic weapon in 1916 was the Short Magazine Lee Enfield (SMLE) Mark III, made at the Enfield Manufacturing Co Ltd. It was designed by the American James Lee and built at the Royal Small Arms Factory in Enfield, first produced in 1903. It had a ten-bullet magazine and a high rate of fire. There has been much written about its quality – in comparison with the German Mauser. As the same design was used for over fifty years of manufacture that speaks for itself – as to its usefulness and reliability. It was an excellent rifle and served the Country and Commonwealth with distinction, could be used in rapid fire – firing over twenty rounds a minute.
The Mk V Webley revolver, at the outbreak of the First World War, adopted 9 December 1913. On 24 May 1915, the Webley Mk VI was adopted as the standard sidearm for British troops and remained so for the duration of the First World War, being issued to officers, airmen, naval crews, boarding parties, trench raiders, machine-gun teams, and tank crews. The Mk VI proved to be a very reliable and hardy weapon, well suited to the mud and adverse conditions of trench warfare.
A development of the Maxim gun had been in service with the British Army since the turn of the nineteenth century. The gun was water-cooled and fed by a canvass belt holding 250 rounds. The gun was served by a team of nine usually an officer, two NCOs and six other ranks. All ranks were expected to take each others jobs in an emergency. During the attack on the Redoubt a number of these guns were taken over and used against the German lines. Their use was mainly restricted to protecting the right flank or when men were falling back when the attack petered out. Any other firings had the possibility of becoming friendly fire. Once again a weapon devised in the USA, in 1911. Air-cooled with a rotating magazine fitted on the top. Lighter, cheaper and simpler to manufacture. Became standard British close support, automatic weapon.
Invented in 1915 by William Mills. A hand thrown cast iron fragmentation bomb with delayed action fuse weighing 1.5 lbs with firing lever release pin… has a thirty yard range, and a possible ten yard killing zone. Bombing parties formed to clear a trench, its traverse, and mined dugouts. In normal fighting the Mills grenade is used for house and pill-box clearances.
Sir William Scott-Stokes was a civil engineer by trade: Chairman and Managing Director of Ransomes & Rapier of Ipswich. Invented the trench mortar in 1914 made ready to use at Loos firing smoke canisters. The invention, using a cartridge fired by a raised pin, could be adapted to fire fragmentation and solid shot up to 800 yards. Over time, having many modifications, became extremely versatile, simple to use, quickly set up, and very portable.
It was quickly realised that this was the only way to effectively clear a path in barbed wire defences. The tube could be loaded with gun cotton or dynamite sticks and several lengths of the tube joined together depending on the width of the barbed wine entanglement. The firing element comprised of a fuse and safety pin setting off the charge in tandem. The object was to thread the tube trough the wire not pushed along the ground. It was the job of the Royal Engineer detachment to make those breaks in the wire.
The final artillery bombardment started at 06.00 on the 1st July. The gunners had saved up for this occasion. It was the greatest bombardment ever laid on, and it went on all along the front. The ferocity lasted an hour before the leading formations rose-up out of their trenches. The ground shook, earth crumbled split apart and cascaded down the sides of the trenches – it was teeth clenching and alarming. Fountains of mud, dust, smoke and debris shot into the air. For anyone brave or stupid enough to look over the parapet they would only see Dante’s Inferno and hear the crump, whistle, whine and shriek of metal particles whizzing through the air.
The British gunners did try and focus their weapons on particular targets. They were as inexperienced to their task as the infantry were to theirs. They were certainly not the highly trained men of the French School of applied artillery and engineering in Fontainebleau. Great attention was paid to bombarding known strong points in the Park and centre of the village, the Maze of trenches the London Scottish were going to pass through, Nameless Farm, the little and large Z points in the line that could enfilade the 46th Division’s advance. Further north was Pigeon Farm another German strong point.
The Infantry saw the gunner’s jobs as: ‘To take out the opposition’s guns, and destroy his barbed-wire’ – this is what they had been told by their officers.
The Field Siege Guns and Howitzers: under the Royal Artillery command of Brigadier General C. M. Ross-Johnson. The Heavy Artillery: by Brigadier General C. R. Buckle. The Chief Engineer: Brigadier General J. A.Tanner. These leaders believed they could do all that was asked of them.
The British guns at the Somme fired some 20,000 tons of various size shells, a total of 1,627,824 individual shells, according to Official History – but it was the wrong sort of shell. It requires high-explosive to damage trenches and the British did not have enough. Three-quarters of all the shells fired were shrapnel, useless for affecting anything that was well covered, or for cutting barbed wire.
If you fire at or over mud the amount of damage is slight for the mud absorbs/cushions the metal particles. The harder the surface the more effective the fragmentation – when the shell explodes, whatever the type of shell. A great many shells were dud or did not explode. The effectiveness is reliant upon perfect manufacture of the explosive charge, the correct amount of explosive material placed in every shell and the weight of each shot being precisely the same. The gun has to be stable, have its trailing bars firmly anchored and mounted on solid ground. The bore of the gun not worn and the sighting arrangement secured. None of these essentials are any use until the sighting shots straddle the target and are plotted and registered accurately.
It was early on in the war. The Army was still operating on a pre-war mind-set. Such things as conveyor-belt manufacturing, studied chemical composition, ballistics, distances, angles, mathematics, and mapping points, not greatly studied by the regulars let alone the Territorial Units. Intelligence gathering, ciphers, information sifting, gun emplacement recognition, photographic evidence, sound location, aerial spotting, were primitive. The communication methods almost ineffectual especially once the battle had begun. All these are necessary for accurate gun laying, firing, observation, and achieving scored hits working under the command of forward observation posts, in contact with the advancing troops.
Indirect fire could be done off the map but the maps in France were not good: and at the start of the war not squared or gridded. Various other methods were used adopting aiming posts or triangulation. Fire was corrected by observation, needed because the battery observer and target were not accurately fixed. Errors in range were not very significant due to the range zone of the gun but error in line meant always missing the target. RAHS, 22.01.2003’. Brig.-Fraser Scott MA.
The Royal Flying Corps was commanded by a former Lieutenant-Colonel of the Royal Scots Fusiliers, H. M. Trenchard. The RFC had two categories: spotting for the artillery, photography, and reconnaissance; bombing, and fighting in the air. Before, and during the battles that encapsulated the battle of the Somme, close cooperation between the Flying Corps and the gunners was paramount. Special flights were made that involved artillery observation specifically to reduce the opposing guns. The relatively new craft of air photography became an exact science. Bombing began to be taken seriously and became highly organised; night flights for particular targets – those greatly defended by small arms, became a serious occupation… Number 43 Squadron being the first long-range strategically reconnaissance squadron engaged in assessing military build-up in the enemy rear.
Northern Sector: The first action the 46th North Midland Division was engaged in was at The Battle of Loos when they attacked the Hohenzollern Redoubt. This was another of the strongly held fortified villages along the front. The 46th had been the first territorial Division to land in France and it was from the Lancashire Fusiliers that they were instructed in the art of trench warfare On the 1 June 1914, Major General Wortley 1857-1934, became commander of the British 46th North Midland Division. The Division was part of General Allenby’s Third Army. On 20th April 1916 the Division was withdrawn from Vimy and ordered south. By May they were at Lucheux recuperating after the battle’s horrors.
Third Army, GOC Gen Allenby. VII Corps Lieutenant General D’Oyly Snow. 46th North Midland Division: Major General Hon. E. J. Montagu-Stuart-Wortley CB, CMG, DSO, MVO 1857-1934. His North Midland Division was to attack the north side of the fortified village of Gommecourt on the left flank on the British Line.
137th Brigade. Brig-Gen H B Williams.
1/5th South Staffordshire 1/5 North Staffordshire
1/6th South Staffordshire 1/6 North Staffordshire
139th Brigade. Brig-Gen C T Shipley.
1/5th Sherwood Foresters 1/7th Sherwood Foresters
1/6th Sherwood Foresters 1/8th Sherwood Foresters
138th Brigade (in support) Brig-Gen G C Kemp.
1/4th Lincolnshires 1/4th Leicestershire
1/5th Lincolnshires 1/5th Leicestershire
1/1st Monmouthshire Pioneers.
As the Division gathered together at Lucheux they were ordered to practice their bayoneting skills whilst acting in a variety of servicing and communication skills building pipelines, laying track, building roads, trenches and gun pits. This was preparing for The Big Push. They were now attached to General Rawlinson’s Fourth Army. Their task was to help liberate the Gommecourt salient by linking up with the 56th coming towards them from the other side of Gommecourt Park. They came under the command of Major General Wortley’s 46th North Midland Division.
While the Staffs and Sherwoods had been practicing for the attack on the 1st July the Lincoln and Leicestershire battalions were occupying the British Front Line before Gommecourt Park and Wood. There, on the 4th June they patrolled at night, and improved the trench conditions, which was suffering under the continuous downpours of rain. Whilst there told they were to be attached to the 46th Division.
It was during the practices at Lucheux, simulating the attack on Gommecourt, that the battalion commanders came to the conclusion that they could not manage all that they were being asked. They appealed to General Snow who agreed to loan them the Lincoln and Leicester battalions who were to provide three companies from each to line up behind the Staffords and Sherwood Foresters bearing extra stores and ammunition. The fourth companies (400 men) were to dig a communication trench stretching from the British front line to the German – across no-man’s-land, to aid supply and keep safe from shelling men acting as reserves.
On the 24th June the British artillery started to zero in on the German gun parks to the rear of Gommecourt – hidden in Pigeon, Biez, Square and Rossignol Woods. These shots were meant to register the guns onto the targets. It requires accurate bracketing shots to be sure when the time comes those targets would be hit. The gun barrels and any rifling has to be new, the shells have to fit accurately and have exactly the same amount of propellant, the gun trail has to be properly secured and the ground under the wheels firm. The Observation Sections, whose job it was to register the fall of shot were responsible for maps, flash spotting, and sound ranging. Considering all these factors you would not want to rely upon the artillery taking out the opposing guns.
Unfortunately, that is exactly what General Rawlinson did. It was only the previous October that ‘Counter-battery work was to be left to the heavy artillery and a special officer, with the necessary assistants, attached to each Group Commander. By July 1916 the system was still in its infancy. Surveyors were organized into Field Survey Companies RE; one per Army… each Army had an Observation section for flash spotting and a Sound Ranging section. At the battle of the Somme information was passed via telephone exchanges. These however frequently destroyed.
On the night of the 27th June, the area suffered 48 hours of continual rain. The Staffords and Sherwoods filed into the forward trench early the next morning, where they tramped knee deep in mud and slime. The battlefield before them was a quagmire with shell hols filled with water. It was a most depressing sight. It was obvious that the attack would flounder especially as the men had to carry such a vast amount of extra material. At the last minute the attack was put back 48 hours to the 1st July. Now the men in the front line trenches had to be withdrawn to allow them to dry out and rest. For the Sherwoods and Staffords they had to return to Lucheux to demonstrate before General Snow a practice run before they returned to perform the actual run.
At 06.24 on the 1st July, the final shells fired using high explosive and smoke. Trench mortars provided accurate distribution of smoke bombs. Few doubted the Germans had been destroyed the bombardment had been a moral boost. At 07.27, the Sherwood Foresters discharged the final rounds of smoke into no-man’s-land.
At 07.30 the Staffordshires and Sherwood Foresters climbed out of their new forward trench – using ladders or steps cut into the trench sides. Their Sergeants, helping to pull the men out, under the watchful eyes of the Captain and his Lieutenants, who would themselves fall in behind their own companies, with the Company Runner and Engineer/Signaller next to the Captain. All the ‘A’ Companies of each battalion would line up on their parapet dressing five yards between each man. They would advance side-by-side until they had reached one hundred yards. The first three waves would total 600 -700 men.
The day was bright and clear. They moved off at a steady pace with their rifles at the port, bayonet in the air. Behind them further waves lined up and followed them. There was no shouting or light banter they were all too nervous wondering what was going to happen to them. The Sergeants as much to bolster their own courage told them to keep in line and not bunch up… but the ground was pitted with holes half-full of water there was no way they could keep a perfect line. The Sherwoods passed over the German front line and disappeared into the wood…
When the time came round the ‘B’ Companies would climb out and do the self-same thing… each company, battalion, and supporting battalion, following one-behind-the-other, keeping to a steady 2 miles per hour pace so that the artillery bombardment – put on to keep the German heads down, would be 100 yards in front of the first wave.
Each man would be carrying his battle order kit, spare pair of socks and extra ammunition. Later waves would bring forward duck-boards to span the German trenches, ladders to reach down to the bottom, spare ammunition and grenades, and digging tools. So far everything was going well. The first two waves had got across, and there was no reply by the enemy, they were soon lost from sight. Suddenly one felt the wind freshen, it sent a shiver down the spine, as the smoke swirled about and then began to clear. Now the whole panorama presented itself to the German Observers.
1/7th Sherwood Foresters, commanded by Lt-Col Hind: to capture the German trenches, Food and Fork trench to their front, leaving later waves to clear up and reverse the firing step. They were to push on past the Schwalben Nest to the Quadrilateral, there to link up with the 1/9th London Rifles, Queen Victoria’s.
1/6th Sherwood Foresters: were split into two, 2 Companies were to back up the advancing 1/5th and 2 Companies the 1/7th Sherwood Foresters were to clear and consolidate the captured trenches.
1/5th Sherwood Foresters commanded by Lt-Col Wilson: to advance and take the German front line, make their way through Gommecourt Wood and head for the Quadrilateral to give support to the 1/7th.
1/8th Sherwood Foresters were to act as a reserve formation bringing supplies up to the front, looking after the spare ammunition and grenades, whilst collecting up the wounded.
1/5th North Staffords commanded by Lt-Col Burnett: to form extra waves – following behind the 1/6th North Staffords. To clear German trenches, and bear supplies into Gommecourt village and Park.
1/6th North Staffordshires commanded by Lt-Col Boote: to take the German front line and move quickly into the village to support the 1/6th South Staffords – in taking ‘The Keep’ – a strongly fortified position, and meet up with the London Rifles… coming from the south.
1/5th South Staffords commanded by Lt-Col Raymer: to form extra waves – following behind the 1/6th South Staffords. To clear German trenches, and bear supplies into Gommecourt village and Park.
1/6th South Staffords commanded by Lt-Col Thursfield: to split: one half meeting up with the 1/4 London Rifles, and the other half taking the German Fist trench – guarding the Park, bypassing the Kaiser Oak to attack the rear of the Germans in their front line trench Fit and Fig.
1/4th Lincolns Regiment commanded by Lt-Col Barrell.Three Companies were to form an extra wave behind the Two 1/6th Companies of the Sherwood Foresters. They were to act as carriers – to supply spare ammunition and grenades, and to tidy up and clear the German trenches. The 4th Company, to dig a communication trench – across no-man’s-land, to ease the supply chain.
1/5th Lincolns Regiment commanded by Colonel Sandall. Three Companies were to form an extra wave behind the Two Companies of the 1/6th Sherwood Foresters. They were to act as carriers – to supply spare ammunition and grenades, and to tidy up and clear the German trenches. The 4th Company, to dig a communication trench – across no-man’s-land, to make safe the supply chain.
The Southern Sector: Lieutenant Colonel W. H. Young assumed command of the Kensington Battalion on the 28th June 1916, just two days before the attack at Gommecourt. Major Cedric Dickens was the second in command. Having been with the battalion since entering France, Major Dickens had a greater understanding of the officers and men.
The 56th London Division was probably the most highly trained territorial division in the British Army. Its four component parts had seen a lot of action already losing few men but maintaining a high proportion of their original pre-war volunteers. The men were in the main well educated, working as managers and office workers in London’s business sector. The Kensingtons formed part of the 56th London Division in January 1916, after the war office authorised its re-formation. By the end of the following month, the 56th Division’s composition was complete being joined by the 1st Battalion Cheshire Regiment as their Pioneers and the 1st Field Ambulance Section – ready for the battle of the Somme.
Major-General Hull based his plans, for the attack on Gommecourt, on orders given to him by General Snow. Snow also conformed to decisions made by Lt-General Rawlinson, who was in overall command. Snow’s brief was to create a diversion at the salient to draw German attention away from the main battle area. He was informed there were no reserves and no troops set aside to take advantage of any gains that might be made.
Snow conceding that the German defences were strong decided to plan an encircling movement – to attack from the flanks. Concerned about the distance between front lines a plan devised to dig two new trenches in No Man’s Land. On the 56th Division’s front, the task was given to Brig-General Loch. When the trench completed, he was to keep it occupied with the 167th Brigade made up of two battalions of Royal Fusiliers and two of the Middlesex until the attacking troops took over prior to the battle.
Hull was in command of the 56th 1st London Division and the attached pioneer battalion, The 1st Cheshire -, occupying the British sector south of Gommecourt. This was the right arm of the pincer movement surrounding the park and village. They were to meet up with the 46th North Midland Division coming towards them from the north side lead by Major General Wortley. According to Brigade orders, Part 2, ‘Success is assured and casualties are expected to be 10%.’ Martin Middle brook’s book: ‘The First Day on the Somme’, p97. This assumption of success was handed down from General Headquarters and was widely believed by all senior commanders a confidence which was misplaced but dominated every facet of the battle’s planning.
The reader will become aware that the orders of battle – the tasks set for the 46th and 56th Division, were almost identical. There are only one or two changes to do with their positions on the battle-field. But in effect were the same. They were facing the same enemy using the same tactic using the same weapons. The distances were approximately the same as indeed was the goal.
56th London Division: Major General C. P. A. Hull.
167th Brigade.
1/1st Royal Fusiliers 1/7th Middlesex
1/3rd Royal Fusiliers 1/8th Middlesex
168th Brigade. Brigadier General G. C. Loch.
Brigade Major Captain P. Neame VC
Staff Captain: Major L. C. Wheatley
1/4th Royal Fusiliers 1/13th Kensingtons, Lt-Col. Young
1/12th London Rangers 1/14th London Scottish
169th Brigade
1/2nd Royal Fusiliers 1/9th Queen Victoria Rifles
1/5th London Rifles 1/16th Queen’s Westminsters
1/5th Cheshire Pioneers commanded by Lt. Col. Groves.
Major General Hulls Plan: at Zero hour:1st London Rifle Battalion – Royal Fusiliers, commanded by Lt. Col. Wheatley: to advance from Y48 trench, take the German Fen and Ferret trenches > pass on > take Female trench bear left at the Cemetery (setting up two strong points either end of the Cemetery) > split: one Section to enter the Park – take the Germans in the rear, setting up a strong point at the southern edge of the Park – another to meet up with the Staffordshires, whilst a further Section to head for the village – there to meet up with the remaining Staffs.
1st Queen Victoria Rifles commanded by Col. Dickins: To advance from Y49 trench, take the German Fern and Fever trenches > pass on to take Feed and Flint > pass on over Feed and Flint > to secure the German rear trench and set up a strong point at the junction with communication trench Epte.
1st London Rangers commanded by Col. Bayliffe: To advance from W50 trench, take the German Fetter and Fate trenches > pass on > take Felt and Nameless Farm, secure the German rear trench and set up a strong point to enfilade the ground beyond – at bend in Fame.
1st London Scottish commanded by Lt. Col. Green: To advance from W51 trench, take the complicated German trench system to its front > passing through, to take the German Fact and Fable trench setting up a strong point to secure the right flank – by developing the maze of German trenches.
When the German front and second line trenches secured…
1st Queen’s Westminster, commanded by Lt. Col. Shoolbred: were to advance from Y48 trench, pass between the Fusiliers and Queen Victorias > making for the Quadrilateral – to link up with the 1st Sherwood Foresters.
1st Kensingtons, commanded by Lt. Col. Young: To advance in support of the London Scottish. ‘A’ Company and parts of ‘C’ and ‘D’ were to construct a communication trench, with the aid of the Cheshire Pioneers and Engineers, between the two front lines – in no-man’s-land, with their fire steps on the right. This working party was to be covered by snipers and their observers, and the trench secured by the pioneer’s wiring party. At this stage in the war battalion numbers varied, men were added and taken away almost on a daily basis – after any battle numbers dropped alarmingly to the extent that at some stages battalions combined to make a fighting unit. As a rough estimate, it would be safe to consider a battalion comprising four Companies made up of two hundred men and within this a squad being about fifty.
Part of The Kensington ‘B’ Company and two sections of Headquarter bombers, were to clean up the trenches left by the London Scottish of any lingering Germans. The remainder of ‘B’ Company was to act as a carrying party to move forward ammunition and bombs. Meanwhile most of ‘C’ and ‘D’ Companies kept in reserve whilst lending a hand to keep the London Scottish supplied. Both the London Scottish and the Kensingtons were to protect the right flank from German penetration.
On the face of it this is a very sensible plan and considering the artillery supplied quite feasible. But like all plans doesn’t allow for what the opposition is likely to do and for unknown circumstances. The Germans were never going to sit idly by and allow their deep galleried trenches protected by machine guns to be overrun. After all, their artillery was larger, better designed, more modern, having gun crews better trained. As observed by General Snow, there was this gap between the 56th and the 10th Division attacking Serre, the neighbouring troops a mile distance on their right. If the British could take the German trenches quickly, after the artillery had done its softening up bombardment all would be well.
General Rawlinson believed that the only way he would be able to make sure his orders carried out was by incessant hard training – by the participants doing everything strictly by rote. He planned for his: ‘Big Push to operate like clockwork, relying on detailed planning and continual practice; two operations that were going to win him the battle… especially now when he was dealing with Territorial soldiers, ‘who might not be quite up to it.’
The British effort was going to be preceded by a 5-day bombardment designed to meet maximum destructiveness. An hour before the advance, smoke shells were to be fired, and the German front line receive its final onslaught from the massed guns. From then on, the artillery were going to lay down a creeping barrage 100 yards ahead of the first leading wave – to keep the German’s heads down. Further waves of riflemen were going to give support, clear the taken trenches, and bring up supplies.
The infantry would advance in regularly spaced waves, 100 yards apart, five yards between each man; each Company to follow one-after-another with their Captain and Lieutenants following their men. They were to occupy the German trenches, clear them, and keep moving forward. All this movement was to be done according to the strict timetable, so that the leading waves of troops could take full advantage of the softening barrage. Support waves would consolidate and prepare for their next advance. This was not going to be like the child’s game of ‘What’s the time Mr Wolf!’ for there could be no stopping – having to keep up with the sequenced shelling. If the leading wave got too far forward their own guns would fire on them, if too far back the Germans would be up out of the dugouts firing at them.
Major General Wortley’s 46th North Midland Division included the 137th North and South Staffords, and the 139th Sherwood Foresters. They would lead the attack on the north side, supported by the 138th Lincolnshires and Leicestershire’s.
The 139th Brigade – The Sherwood Foresters – that May, held the Divisional front line at the village of Foncquevillers: burying new telephone cable lines, stacking ammunition, constructing gun pits, and setting up observation posts; all in preparation for the coming battle.
Directly to their front the enemy lines were held by the 3rd battalion of the 91st Reserve Regiment, part of the 2nd Guard Reserve Division, all part of Stein’s XIV Reserve Corps. The 9th and 12th Companies of the 3rd battalion were the Sherwood’s immediate enemy commanded by Leutnant der reserve Metzner and Leutnant der Reserve Overesch.
The 46th Division’s front line ran half a mile north of Hebuterne… then 800 yards, up to the left flank of the Sherwood Foresters. The village of Foncquevillers was directly opposite Gommecourt Wood. Here, No Man’s Land was about 400 yards wide, holding the ruins of the Sucrerie, a disused sugar beet factory then in ruins. These ruins were twenty yards from the D6 main road.
Northwards, towards Monchy-au-bois, was in German hands. The village of Foncquevillers held the centre of the 46th Division’s position directly opposite Gommecourt, its Park and Wood. Further north was the German gun position in Pigeon Wood not far from the little salient of trenches called the little ‘Z’ stationed on the British Divisions left flank. This part of the German line created a small salient was called the Schwalben Nest holding a maxim gun able to enfilade the whole of the German’s line to the east. The previous winter, the occupying British troops came to the conclusion that they were too weak to hold all the line so they selected certain parts for fortifying – wiring them into strong-points, then filling in the remainder with loose wire which became in time weighed down by the weight of the collapsing sides of the trench.
The village of Fonquevillers was in a better state of preservation compared to Hebuterne – its neighbouring village. It was recognisable as a one-time place of habitation having most of its buildings still standing. The brick church was still there even if the clock had stopped at 11.45. It’s crypt housing the battalion ammunition store and the mills cellar the Company Office. The village boasted a YMCA where food could be bought to supplement the boring army rations. It could even be described as a good billet. The brick cottages with their boundary walls giving shelter to their kitchen gardens contained vines and apple orchards. Beyond the patch of grass outside the orchard the ground dipped down to no-man’s-land where work was in progress every night digging a new forward trench… a move guaranteed to give a 100 yard start to the attacking Midlanders all along the sector. This was in keeping with the work being carried out by the 56th Division on their front.
The 137th and 139th Brigades moved forward into trenches opposite Gommecourt Park on the 4th June. In unison the 138th, the Lincolnshires and Leicestershires, moved back – keeping a supporting role. The thick woodland to their front had been interwoven by dense belts of barbed wire and further plantings in front of every German trench. The British Field guns and mortars had great difficulty in cutting gaps. The German guns took the opportunity whilst the British guns were silent to register their guns on the communication trenches, then stopping before the British guns could ‘range-on’.
The British artillery batteries behind Fonquevillers began registering their guns on the 24th June allotted 400 rounds per gun to cut through the wire and take out the German gun pits. This allotment of rounds increased to 700 rounds per day. Work on the gun pits suspended by the incessant rain delaying the sighting of many of the guns. As no delay contemplated, the guns mounted in uncompleted pits. It was opportune that the German artillery was not too active as this was going on. The activity in the British rear was frantic as new rail track ways, metalled roads, store houses, ammunition and bomb dumps created close to the front. Compounds built for prisoners and wounded.
General Snow’s plan had the Sherwood Foresters 1/7th battalion attacking as the first wave, with the 1/5th on their right. The 1/6th battalion would bring up the rear in support of the two-battalion attack, and the 1/8th held in reserve to bring forward stores and ammunition. Five minutes before the attack opened the smoke parties would discharge their smoke bombs and candles.
The 139th Brigade would attack with five waves made up of ‘A’,’B’ and ‘C’ Companies having the little ‘Z’ on their left. The fourth would bring up the rear and convert the German front line trench by reversing the firing steps and the fifth hump stores and ammunition. ‘A’ Company were to kick off the battle from the newly dug trench in no-man’s-land, the other two, ‘B’ and ‘C’ formed up in the old trench and ‘D’ the 4th., occupy the Retrenchment line… with the 5th in Green Street. There would have been about 200 men in each wave.
Gommecourt Park, most of the village, and the Chateau were not to be attacked by the Foresters for they were not to stop but to keep going… to meet up with the 56th coming from the other side of the Park. (An order of the day requested attacking battalions to keep back from all future attacks one Company from each battalion – to act as a reserve and core for a future retraining programme in times when the bulk of the battalion had been lost.)
The Brigades targets were the Germen trenches to their front – given the identifying names Food and Fork, between the little ‘Z’ on their right and the communication trench Orinocho, making for Pigeon Wood. To the left would be ‘The little Z’ – the Schwalben Nest, a salient sticking out from the line, on the side of the main road leading from the North Foreland. This salient – step in the line, was always a danger if not eliminated by the main bombardment, for it would allow the Germans to enfilade the attacking force – by having a clear line of fire on the Sherwoods left flank. As it turned out no special attention was given to this by the planners was to be a terrible mistake.
‘A’ Company practically lost all their men immediately, as soon as they emerged from their trench. A number of ‘B’ and ‘C’ made it to the German front line ‘A’, allowing twelve men to carry on to the German second line ‘B’. A number of attempts to rally the men; but exhaustion caused by the previous days march back to lines, atrocious weather conditions, flooded trenches, and unbroken wire, defeated them. Their spirits were not to be roused…
The Kensington Battalion were the first of the 4th London Brigade to report their mobilization complete’… declares Sergeant Bailey in his half of the book The Kensingtons. Battalion Orders were received: to prepare for Foreign Service 28th October, 1914. On Sunday the 3rd November the Battalion followed the band to Watford Station to board train for Southampton to take up station on their steam ship S. S. Matheran, bound for Le Havre and Rest Camp No., 1.
Even before mobilization the Kensingtons were a well-trained formation. The previous four months experience: marching from Watford, sailing to France, manning a front line trench, and undergoing all the rigors of trench life, had made them incomparable veterans. Its four Companies had seen a lot of action, thankfully losing few men – maintaining a high proportion of their original pre-war volunteers. The men were in the main well educated city men, previously working as managers and office workers in London’s business sector.
On the 18th.November, one half of the Battalion found itself occupying a trench south-east of Fauquissart. From the 21st their duties were shared with the other half in a three-day rota system. The Kensingtons first battle was Neuve Chapelle where they acted as Brigade Reserve. From the middle of March 1915 the Battalion were to share all the hazards of regular formations, for their baptism of fire was now over.
Each of the Battalions prided themselves on their local town content – representing a particular part of London. Conan Doyle has Sherlock Holmes characterize a stockbroker’s clerk who appears in one of his cases as, ‘Representative of the type found in one of our better London Volunteer regiments.
Each of the three London Divisions made up of three Brigades, each Brigade comprised three Battalions: overseas, headquarters and one in training; each Battalion had three rifle Companies made up of three platoons, comprising a number of squads. These multiples could be increased to four or more in times of war and shed in times of peace. After each battle the fighting strength of a platoon was made good by stripping away from the Headquarters Company.
To specify exactly the strength of each during an engagement is impossible. Accurate figures can only be found via the diary of each company. These are not always available. Each battalion had a number of other companies, expertise needed in the line. These were headquarters staff, transport, armourer, catering and other specialists i.e., machine gun, mortar or bomb. Backing up the front line troops were the reserves, support companies, ammunition parties, signallers, stretcher-bearers (Band members), and pioneers.
When the Kensington battalion took over the trenches at Hebuterne from the 8th Middlesex on the 21st May communication trenches had been established. The ruins of the village provided some cover from German snipers in Gommecourt Park although it was in the range of German artillery firing from their rear. Battalion Headquarters established in the mill’s cellars, which fortunately had its entrance well sandbagged to prevent the occasional enemy fire.
It was obvious to all the men that an attack was imminent. The stacks of supply dumps, additional ammunition and bombs, new pipelines and railway tracks, road works and gun-pits were everywhere. The weather was beautiful allowing the preparation to be made in near perfect conditions. However, this was not to last.
A draft of 200 men went some way towards making up for men lost. Behind the village dumps were being laid out for ammunition and shells and tapes laid for other supplies. By this time the battalion, in company with the rest of the brigade, knew that a trench was to be dug in No Man’s Land. The digging parties were all supplied with the necessary picks, shovels, and sand bags. At night, parties went out and cut lanes in the British wire in preparation and laid tapes.
The British front line, prior to the construction of the new trench, was initialled as Sector Y: 50, 49, 48, 47, & W: 50, 49, 48; it then crossed the D27 Road. Lt-General Snow gave the task of constructing a new British front line trench, to Brigadier General Loch. It was to be dug halfway between the British and German lines and identified with the letter S instead of R. This new front line provided with communication trenches that linked to the rear areas – the village of Hebuterne and Brigade Headquarters in the mill.
The 56th Division (three Brigades totalling 3,000 men) were ordered to construct this new forward line in No Man’s Land, 400 yards in front of the existing trench. This was to extend for almost two miles, the work being done on the nights of the 25th/26th May and indentified with the omission of the old front lines identification letter S.
The Germans observed all this activity but did nothing about it, not appreciating its significance – keeping well down behind their trench wall – sheltering from a huge barrage which was partly meant to achieve a distraction from what was going on. This new advanced trench dug with little loss of life, which was a fine achievement. Volunteers were called for, within the 167th to man the trench that night.
The following night the trench deepened, and firing steps cut in. This action saved many lives. This very simple expediency, like linking shell holes or pushing out a sap, allowed attacking troops to get closer to the enemy front line. It was a pity that the new trench on the 46th front was so inadequate.
This trench building was no mere casual arrangement but a well organized undertaking. The task was given artillery support, if necessary, and a number of ruses to confuse the Germans whilst the work was under way. Its construction went a long way towards the successful penetration of the German front line on the day of the battle. The days during, and preceding the attack the 167th Brigade stood guard in this trench, staying until relieved by the 168th and 169th Brigades before the attack on the 1st July.
The 46th Division also made an effort to do the same only their trench did not have the same support. Their poor attempt undermined by the two days of incessant rain which half-filled the trench. These new advanced trenches dug with little loss of life, which was a fine achievement. The following night the trenches deepened and firing steps cut in.
The German front-line trench was sectioned off and given a code name beginning with the letter ‘F’ and the connecting trenches with an ‘E’. Behind this forward trench was the German second line, also identified with a letter ‘F’ for FABLE and a new third rear trench close to the D6 main road.
The British artillery behind Hebuterne and Fonquevillers started registering their pieces on the 24th June the object being to sever and flatten the wire, whilst taking out the plotted German strong points. As the day of the battle approached the bombardment intensified. The Germans noted where the guns were firing from, but did nothing. Prior to the battle all the communication trenches made ‘up’ trenches until after the initial waves had gone forward. It was emphasized that the previous direction for each communication trench would then be returned to its original task. This order was to lead to a terrible confusion when the wounded were being ferried back and Company runners tried to get through with their orders.
The Roll Call of Kensington Officers (23) 1st July, 1916: Involved in the attack on the 1st July were 615 all ranks. Commanding Officer Lt-Colonel W. H. Young had only been attached for two days – stayed at battalion HQ – organizing support.
2nd I/C Senior Major C. C. Dickens
Major Mackenzie (k)
Adjutant: Lt. C. N. C. Howard
Transport Officer: Lieut. Holland
Medical Officer: Lieut. Keen
Quartermaster: Lieut. Ridley
Drum-Major Skinner (Stretcher-bearers)
O.C. A Company, Captain Robertson
Lieutenants: Lewin, Venables, 2nd Lieut. Mager & Sach.
O.C. B Company, Captain H. N. Whitty
Lieutenants: Roseveare, Penn, 2nd Lieut. Pike.
O.C. C. Company, Captain Ware (k)
Lieutenant: Cohen, Heath, 2nd Lieut. Mason.
O.C. D Company, Captain Taggart (w)
Lieutenant Parton, 2nd Lieut. Beggs.
The Pioneer battalions, were created as a new concept in the British Army in 1914, with a role to provide the Royal Engineers with skilled labour and to relieve the infantry from some of its non-combatant duties, Pioneers became the work horses of the Expeditionary Forces and acted in conjunction with the army; constructing roads, bridges, working on entrenchments, fortifications, making mines, and constructing approaches. They are provided with proper clothing, hatchets, saws, axes spades, entrenching tools.
The Coldstream Guards, and over three dozen County regiments, created at least one pioneer battalion. Several new Army battalions raised specifically as Pioneers, while others were converted Territorials or Kitchener units, formed originally as conventional infantry.
The Pioneers adopted a badge of a cross rifle and pick. They wired no man’s land, dug trenches, and revetted in all weathers, and in all terrains. On many occasions, later in the war, they abandoned their working tools and fought alongside the infantry repelling enemy attacks.
In their efforts to stem the German offensives of 1918, several Pioneer units fought themselves to virtual annihilation. The work of the Pioneer battalions has been largely ignored or misunderstood. Far from being the units of the old and infirm, these sixty-eight battalions played a major role in the Allied victory.
A detail of the 5th Cheshire Pioneer battalion attached to the 56th Division were constructing strong points in the German trenches turning the firing positions to face the opposite direction – towards the German’s new front line. On the right flank the Kensingtons ‘A’ Company and Pioneers were digging the new flank-facing trench constructed under Major Dickens leadership. A platoon detailed off to wire up the German side when the new trench completed.
The Royal Engineer detachment was responsible for making sure the British wire barrier to the front had been opened sufficiently for the troops to advance, and the German wire gapped to allow the infantry to carry through to take the German frontline trench. There was a problem that the gaps were narrow and as soon as the charge went up the Germans knew not only what was afoot, but where – giving them chance to fix their machine gun lines on the gaps before the troops could reach them. Just as the artillery bombardment and the creeping barrage it was all a matter of timing. If you erred you were dead.
In 1916, military communications were provided by the Royal Engineers Signal Service (Royal Corps of Signals formed in 1920). Communications in the front line area maintained by using line and telephone between forward positions and formation headquarters.
To effectively mask what was going on a screen of smoke was laid down by smoke shells and mortar bombs. This did not stop the German’s knowing an attack was likely to be made but did instil confidence in the advancing troops and saved lives. However, as happened on the 56th front, the smoke was so thick they could not see the gaps in the wire – not know which way to turn. It took a few moments for the Company Sergeants to direct the men to the gaps in the wire.
In all instances it requires immediate effective control by the officers leading the men to make their orders understood. In the case of the 56th this happened and all was well in the case of the 46th more smoke was not made and the men were mown down. During the battle, information about what was happening to the advancing troops was relayed by runner attached to the senior field officer. This would probably be the Company runner. The Captain would be stationed behind his Company that was moving forward. Once the runner had left with a message subsequent messages had to be made by a rifleman who might not know where the Company or Headquarters stationed.
The message would take at least half an hour to receive an answer. Signalling by flag was out of the question. Once the field telephone lines snagged, torn, or cut, resighting the artillery – to take on specific targets, was impossible to order. Someone, able to give instructions to the gun layer, had to see the fall of shot – to make sure a straddle achieved – one shot over and one shot short, could be made.
Once the men had begun to advance the rear Headquarters would have very little idea how the battle was progressing. Spotting from the air was the only recourse. Unless the advancing troops could take-out the machine gun nests the battle would be lost.
This was going to be biggest battle so far – conceived to take the strain off the French who were beginning to buckle at Verdun. The artillery had enveloped the German trenches with continuous fire for weeks. Most men thought it inconceivable that the artillery could not and did not achieve what it had set out to do. They had faith in their officers when told it was going to be a walk over. Officers carried walking-sticks as did many senior NCOs. After all the planning every detail must have been covered… surely?
As daylight began to break on the horizon the men in the front line trenches prepared themselves. Some washed some shaved others repacked their packs and collected all their things around them. Breakfast was consumed and hot tea drunk. Again they check for the umpteenth time their possessions. The men nervously chatted about anything and everything with much false laughter and bonhomie.
Now the guns spoke again. It was rapid fire, a last period of ‘hate’ which obliterated the German lines in lightning flashes, plumes of smoke and fountains of flung soil. The earth began to trickle once more from the sides of the trench as the ground quivered. It was hell on earth. They began to wonder if the wire in front of them was broken and the machine guns nest destroyed. They would soon find out.
At 07.26, the British gunners discharged their last rounds of their preparatory barrage. Now they concentrated on producing a smoke-screen – a combination of explosive shells and smoke bombs – calculated to cause maximum effect. Special sections on both the 46th and 56th fronts were lighting smoke candles and firing smoke bombs from mortars. A dense cloud of smoke drifts about in no-man’s-land. The final loosing of shells heralded the start of the attack.
The men in the firing line never experienced anything like the ferocity, for they felt it through their feet. Those on the firesteps could see the trees in the wood enveloped in smoke hurled about like twigs in an autumn gale. In the final minutes the trench mortars contributed a further last few rounds of smoke bombs to thicken the smoke as Gommecourt disappeared in a white mist and leaping flame. It appeared like complete saturation, which could not be withstood?
The men waiting to go over the top were lulled into a false sense of security. Their officers had told them that it was going to be literally a walk-over. They were equipped for such an event being loaded down with all that would be needed to pursue the enemy. Duck-boards were carried to bridge the trenches, food, water, ammunition, bombs, spare drums and belts for the machine guns, everything for a stay of three days before relief.
The average load was sixty pounds plus their rifle. The supporting troops had also picks and spades to alter the German trench and do the necessary repairs, whilst stretcher bearers and engineers brought up the rear to give, succour, support, and communication. They had practiced often and now it was the time to put their practice into action. No two men had exactly the same kit – to go over the top with. Some had ladders, some bombs, others spare ammunition and water.
Company runners may have carried a basket of pigeons and signallers their flags. The Royal Engineers attached to the forward troops carried spare flex and tools for repairing breaks in the telephone wire. It was not envisaged by the commanders that the attacking force was to return the same day. The plan was to hold the taken German positions for a number of days – until the supporting troops from the rear regularised the positions.
The relevant Headquarter vitalling sergeants had prepared a special breakfast and passed out bread and bully beef to sustain them until the cookhouse staff could join the forward troops.
On the north side the 5th Leicester held the British Front Line south of Fonquevillers. They had moved into their trenches on June the 4th patrolling at night to check the Germans were not preparing to attack or put out their own patrols. They had been faced with days of similar bombardments, knowing that an onslaught was heralding an attack. They were warned to be on their toes as soon as the artillery stopped. The machine gun crews practiced setting up their pieces in three minutes flat told that they were the saviours of their position. Lookouts were posted using their periscopes to give the alarm in time. When the British smoke-screen was laid the alarm was given. Now was the time to put their practice into good use…
The Sherwood Forrester’s had never felt such an effect before. The ground was trembling, which they could feel in their legs and the trench sides were trickling with streams of dislodged earth. The puddles in the trench bottoms lapped about over the duck-boards. Those brave or stupid enough to glance over the parapet could see the wood to their front disintegrating – trees being hurled into the air and branches snapped off to be flung about.
At 7.30 the smoke bombs and explosive shells stopped. Section leaders shouted, as The Staffords began to scramble out onto the parapet, there to form up, port arms, and start to walk towards the enemy down the sloping ground into no-man’s-land. As the Company Sergeants lent a hand to get the men out of the trench to form the second wave to clear the last of the line of British wire the next wave was forming up.
So far all was going well the men kept station as the made their way through the smoke into Gommecourt Wood. Now they could feel the wind getting up blowing the smoke away thinning it sufficiently for the Germans to see the long lines of troops coming towards them… This sparked several Germans to clamber out of their trenches without their equipment, to rush forwards with their hands in the air.
On the other side of the park The London Rifle Brigade were doing the self-same thing. Long lines of men were making sure they were in position walking quickly and quietly through the gaps in their own barbed wire, made the night before, using Bangalore torpedoes. Just after 07.00 on the 1st July German observation posts on their right front – manned by the 91st Reserve Regiment, reported, ‘A smoke-screen being laid down.’
As the rest of the British Divisions advanced the Kensingtons on the far side of the 56th Division held back – waiting for the London Scottish to move forward a hundred yards, before they too formed up, to follow on. Even though the German wire had been gapped and the smoke screen laid down German machine guns had reaped a terrible harvest. The dogged London Scottish had by 08.00 penetrated the German line. They were the first of the 56th Division to move into and past the first German trench.
In spite of the terrible fire, the men went forward trying to keep in line, at a steady pace. The German wire was supposed to be cut – by the artillery fire, but was in many places untouched. Trying to get over the wire, the strands caught in their equipment or became wrapped around their legs.
It was soon discovered, the Germans had moved back to their rear trenches. Onward marched the London Scottish to take, and move past, the German second line – making for the other side of the maze of enemy trenches and Fable trench – the German third trench. The advance continued until all the German trenches on the right flank of Gommecourt were in British hands.
Part of the 169th Brigade – the Queens Westminster Rifles, followed up – moving up over the captured German trenches between the London Rifles and Queen Victorias, to start the linking up movement with the North Midland Division – when they moved down from the north. As this was happening, a section of the Cheshire Pioneers were constructing strong points in the German trenches and repositioning the firing steps to face the German’s new front line.The Westminsters had received many casualties – from bypassed Germans who were emerging from their deep dugouts. As the German artillery began to realise what was happening they started shelling no-man’s-land and their own abandoned front line.
As there were no officers available to direct the bombing – to clear the German dugouts, second lieutenant George Arther left his Pioneer Section to take over the attack. Though slightly wounded he instilled resolution in the men about him. Forcing their way forward the bombers got to within 400 yards of the German trench, almost within reach of where they were to join up with the North Midland Division.
Meanwhile the British Artillery bombardment directed onto the German artillery – to act as a counter battery. They in turn were replying, shooting into No Man’s Land disrupting the supply of ammunition and bombs making the British advance difficult – through lack of support, the men short of ammunition and bombs.
Fortunately for the Germans, the right sector of their fire trenches – facing the 46th North Midland Division, was not being shelled. This allowed the sheltering Germans to leave their deep dugouts to see what was going on. The ground to their front looked towards no mans land and Fonquevillers, a distance of just over 400 yards. The surface was level gradually dipping down into no-man’s-land giving them a completely open vista. They could see the smokescreen being blown about thinning in some place and clearing in others. Through these gaps the British North Midlanders could be seen coming towards them. The Germans set off their alarms and their trenches began to fill with breathless men. Those manning the Maxim machine guns had to assemble them and arrange their ammunition to be close at hand. The order was given for rapid fire.
The order was given to the London men to attack and the section leaders shouted to the men to form up. Long lines of men set off making sure they were in line, dressed five yards between each as they walked through the gaps in their own barbed wire made the night before.
The British artillery bombardment had been lifted, to raise their sights to the next aiming point. The London Division’s advance moved downhill into a shallow valley, then up the other side towards the village: towards the road, Nameless Farm, and finally the Quadrilateral. The attack was across open ground enfiladed by German machine guns and artillery. All troops were told to advance at walking pace, keep in a straight line and not to bunch up.
Stationed before the British troops were the German 91st Reserve Regiment. Their look-out men had not been so observant, this coupled with a smoke screen that had been laid thicker completely masked what the British troops were doing. This slow reaction meant the Germans took longer to man their trenches and erect their machine guns allowing the 56th Division to make particularly good progress. The previous night a number of patrols had blown gaps in the German wire with Bangalore torpedoes which helped enormously. By 08.00 the bulk of the 56th were in the German front line trenches taking prisoners others had even gone further into the German support trenches beyond. Over on the other-side of the wood the Northlanders were being prepared to move forward…
…The 5th and 7th Sherwood Foresters had risen up out of their front line trenches and formed up. They felt confident that their gunners had done a fine job. Their officers had been telling them for weeks that the bombardment had flattened the German trenches and there would be no opposition. They did as they were told and marched forward finding gaps in the wire entering the Gommecourt wood, after having first taken the maze of German front line trenches. They were making for the Quadrilateral, the heart of the Kern Redoubt. Following orders they were not stopping, leaving the passed over trenches to be mopped up by the later waves following on. They were not to know that the wind had risen and driven the smoke-screen away revealing the follow up waves to the Germans. These men were never seen again.
As another wave of the Sherwoods left their trenches the German field guns, stationed at Monchy – further to the north, now alerted to the fact that an attack was on, joined the machine gun fire enfilading from the Schwalben Nest (little ‘Z’) and those from the German front line. The enemy field guns that had previously been laid on to the communication trenches and no-man’s-land plastered the position. The carrying parties heavily loaded down were caught in the middle not knowing whether to go forward or back. The machine gun fire decimated them as they tried to move.
On the 46th right, on either side of the D6 main road, the first two waves of the South and North Staffordshires were held up – not finding a gap in the German wire, particularly around the Sucrerie. The slaughter was enormous as the men were trying to clamber over the dead, dying, and wounded, many impaled on the wire. Universally it was the officers and rallying Sergeants who were killed leaving the men without orders or leadership. Those who did finally find a gap and had sought cover in the wood were rounded up by the now fully alerted German defenders.
‘A’ Company of the Leicestershires plus two platoons and their leading Sub-Lieutenants started out to make their way to the Sucrerie to begin to construct a communication trench to the German front line, marking out the extent it was to take. It was a hopeless task as the German machine guns were continually raking the ground around forcing them to take cover. It became painfully obvious that it was a hopeless task and the detailed troops were ordered back to the start line. There they found the Staffordshire waiting for the order to make another attempt to move forward into the wood.
To the south, on the other side of Gommecourt the 56th support Companies were advancing joining those others who had been first in the German Line. The German artillery now took up the challenge. A move was then made to stabilize the capture of the German second line by the Pioneers. All the German trenches now in British hands.
The Queens Westminster Rifles continued moving through the London Rifles to start the linking up movement with the North Midland Division moving down from the north. The London Scottish on the extreme right was also making excellent progress towards the main road where they were to set up a strong point.
After having their rum issue the Queen Victorias stood-to till 7-25a.m when they put up a smoke screen and went over the top at 7-30 with the London Scottish and Queens Westminster Rifles, bringing up the rear. Taking four lines of trenches from the Germans, driven back, by midday they were back where they started losses very heavy although taking many prisoners.
The Germans made a special effort to kill all those men who were clearly directing the attack – those leading the attack. These officers and leading NCOs were easily identifiable for they wore a smarter uniform, carried walking sticks, and side arms. The Germans were so adept at doing this that attacking forces soon lost all their commanding officers and NCOs. In proportion far more replacement officers were needed. In many cases men of lesser rank carried on superior jobs. This action was particularly felt during this attack on Gommecourt.
By late morning, part of the Kensington battalion, on the right flank of the line, were about to dig a connecting trench in no man’s land. The London Rangers and Queen Victorias were on their left making for the third rear German trench, Nameless Farm, and the main road.
The 10th Division at Serre, a mile away on the 56th Divisions right flank, had been pushed back. As the British attack had petered out the German artillery switched their sights onto No Man’s Land and W Sector trench – behind the London Scottish. It was here that the rest of the Kensingtons were preparing to make for no man’s land to start digging the connecting trench, after being assured the London Scottish had passed the first two German trenches.
The Germans shelled the trench to such a degree the Kensingtons lost half their men – very few had even the opportunity to get out of the trench. The Kensingtons sector trench W48R was only four feet wide and packed with the men unable to move because the trench was so full of dead, dying, and wounded men.
Major Dickens sent back word at 13.00 hours that there were few men left to hold their existing position – that he was the only officer left. Could he please have instructions? The Kensingtons lost sixteen officers and three hundred men (Major Dickens killed by a sniper eight weeks later).
To the north things were going from bad to worse. The 46th Division had started off but had been defeated by the German barbed wire which had not been gapped. The previous night’s rain had turned their trench into a morass some of the men were knee deep in mud all night long. It was difficult to get the second wave of men out in time. As they appeared in dribs and drabs on the top, they were machine gunned down on top of others trying to get out. The slipping, clawing men could not get a hold of the trench side for the dead and wounded were blocking the ladders. There were long rows of dead and dying men piling up on the parapet making it even more difficult.
The officers were standing on the parapet helping men out and ordering others to support the men in front. Another wave of men was ordered forward only to be mown down again. By this time men were refusing to move staying with the wounded in shell holes huddled together.
Further north, in the centre, things were a little better. The Germans there had not been so quick allowing the Sherwood Foresters’ to get into the front line trench… clear it, and make towards the support line. The Germans erected a machine gun – facing to their rear – back onto their own lines. By the end of the morning their trenches were clear. A sortie was made by the Lincs. and Leics. Late in the day they were to seek stragglers and survivors… but in the end they had to give up and return to their own lines.
It was suspected by the Germans that the British were going to attack. The British preparations had always been made obvious to suggest a main attack – to divert attention away from Rawlinson’s ‘Big Push’… the ruse was having the desired affect.
The 91st German Reserve Regiment, on the north side of Gommecourt Park, had the luck to find the smoke-screen patchy at best and non existent in others. They were rightly alarmed and using their practiced preparations manned their front line and prepared for hostilities.
The Germans easily repelled the invaders, gunning down the waves of troops coming towards them. The North Midlanders were not a serious threat even though many limited assaults were made throughout the day. Those who had made it faced almost immediate expulsion.
Conditions in the trenches on the 46th Divisions front were horrific. The German field guns had bracketed the area and the trench was full of the dead and dying. Those who were still active were crouching down too exhausted to make any move. At 15.30 the British artillery resumed their bombardment to prepare the way for a renewed attack. General Wortley came forward to see that the order was carried out.
The Sherwood Foresters started out again adopting the same tactics. On their right they expected to see the Staffordshire but they had refused to move and were not accompanying them – they were on their own. The order was given once again to return to the old front line. The attack had been a failure. By 16.00 all that was left of the Staffordshires were ordered back out of line, and the 5th Leicestershires took over. On their left the 5th Lincolnshires did a similar job relieving the Sherwood Foresters.
On the London Division’s front it was a different story. The smokescreen had been efficiently laid by the Royal Engineers and did all that it was supposed to do. The London Rifles, Queen Victoria’s, Irish Rangers, and London Scottish had all penetrated into the German lines helped by the bombardment and smoke-screen. The Westminsters worked their way through The Rifles and Victorias into the German third trench and The Kensingtons followed on after the London Scottish. All found the smoke-screen almost impenetrable having been laid so thick that some of the forward British troop became lost and disorientated.
By 08.30 the 56th Division was well on its way – making for the road by jumping into the German front line (F) working their way forward through the communication trenches. Many of the dazed Germans were captured and led back. All along the trench mini battles were raging as both parties bombed each other.
By 9.00 the first objectives had been achieved and the leading British troop had penetrated over a mile towards the Kern redoubt where they were to link up with the North Midlanders. On the Londoner’s left Gommecourt Park and village, on the right Nameless Farm – on the D6 Hebuterne-Bucquoy Road, and a little further, the maze of German trenches – to be made into a strong-point by the London Scottish.
Now the German 170 Reserve Regiment (52nd Division) prepared to counter-attack. Von Below arrange for 55 Reserve Regiment to attack with four companies to the north and nine companies to the south, including two from the 2nd Guards Reserve. By midday and early afternoon this counter-attack began to be felt. The first things to be destroyed by the Germans were the barricades erected by the Pioneers and Engineers allowing them to retake their old trench.
The whole London Division was now beginning to run out of bombs and ammunition. The German artillery was ordered to shell no-man’s-land. Little by little the British were put under pressure giving up well earned territory, leaving pockets of desperate troops in shell-holes, providing some respite from the machine guns and barrage. The German 2nd Guards Reserve Division having been pushed back almost out of the salient were now recovering, still holding Fricourt in the front line.
What was left of the Kensingtons, including part of the London Scottish machine gun section, was preparing to repel any German foolish enough to try to take it back. After a period of four hours, they were still in position, although by now the Westminsters had been pushed back to the first line – along with the bulk of what was left of the Division.
The diversionary tactics formulated by the British Headquarters Staff was working – diverting German efforts onto their front in accordance with the original plan. Now the Germans, having destroyed the 31st Division at Serre – on the Kensingtons right, relayed their guns – to shell no-man’s-land on the Kensingtons front – which was nearest to them.
As the 46th was enfiladed, so too the 56th – it was a devastating barrage. It fell like, ‘a curtain of steel’, writes Christopher Moore’s in ‘Trench Fever’ no-man’s-land was cut off. Major Dickens and his men could receive no help from reserves or stretcher bearers, for they were stuck out in front – with very little cover – having to suffer the awful bombardment.
Now the situation on the 56th right was becoming untenable. The prime object had been achieved. Linking up with the 46th would have been helpful straightening up the line. But taking on a very strong trench and dugout system, still in good working order, without reserves could/would be described as rash. The worst decision was to do nothing, for the Germans were beginning to take stock and recover fast.
On the 56th left, the Westminsters had moved up, between the London Rifles and the Queen Victorias; they were prepared to start a bombing attack on the rear of the Gommecourt Garrison. Unfortunately, the Westminsters had received too many casualties, and there was no one to direct the attack.
Leaving his pioneers, Second Lieutenant George Arther lead the attack, though slightly wounded. Forcing their way forward the bombers got to within 400 yards of the German third trench, almost within reach of where they were to join up with the North Midland Division.
The North Midlanders had fared badly – they had been forced back. There were one or two groups who were holding out against strong opposition. Once again they continued the attack to try and link-up with the Westminsters who were bombing their way towards them.
General Snow demanded another attack pressing the Divisional commander to order another attack using the supporting troops. Six battalions of the 46th had started that morning all had been driven back, there were only two companies left. No officers had survived. Snow ordered the North Midlanders to repeat their attack again, that afternoon – to link up with the London Division, which by then was being counter-attacked – gradually being forced back to the captured German trench to their rear.
The Germans, on the other hand, were now over their initial shock getting stronger by the minute. It did not take them long to understand the significance of the British plan. Not that they understood the battle of Gommecourt was a diversionary attack, but that these two divisions opposing were trying to encircle them. They had every intention to make sure that did not happen. Now the German artillery, behind Serre, ranged in joining those behind the Quadrilateral to bombard no-man’s-land and the British front line.
Gradually the British troops began to run out of ammunition. Most of the senior officers who had set out in the morning were now either dead or injured. The afternoon wore on and the fighting continued… only the pockets of resistance were getting smaller.
There were now seventeen hundred men dead, two hundred taken prisoner and over two thousand wounded. Most of these were lying about on the battlefield. The Germans systematically raked these with machine gun fire making sure solitary resistance did not break out.
All around the wounded lay broken barbed wire, military equipment, and the dead, and dying. Their task was to somehow crawl from hole to hole skirting those areas of water that were too deep, keeping below the sky-line. This was the end to a bitter fight begun with such high hopes.
By late afternoon the guns of both sides stopped firing. The odd man capable of crawling began to make their way back. Stretcher-bearers from both sides were moving about amongst the wounded. The badly injured were calling out, some for water others for comfort. The parties of first-aiders gave succour to either side not making a distinction. There were 4,749 casualties in the London Division alone out of nearly 60,000 that started out just over eight hours before.
The ground was pitted with shell holes filled with storm water and the debris of war. All around them was broken barbed wire, military equipment, and the dead and dying. Their task was to somehow crawl from hole to hole skirting those areas of water that were too deep, keeping below the sky-line.
As the afternoon wore on the fighting broke out again. Of the two battalions on the right flank there were only four officers and seventy men remaining of the main attacking force holding onto the German trenches. They were gathered together holding a series of shell holes and half built trenches. It was now touch and go whether there was going to be a total rout. One or two other smaller groups were making their way back passing the dead and dying giving hope to those remaining that they would be remembered.
The 46th Division, now back in their original front line positions had come to the conclusion their hope to link up with the 56th had to be abandoned. The first Company of the Sherwood Foresters had reached the German third line in the morning capturing several prisoners who in the end had to be released. Some of the men had reached the meeting-place surrounding the Quadrilateral. Once the 31st Division had been driven away from Serre the German guns could now take up the battle against the 46th and swing round to the right enfilading the remnants in no-man’s-land. The 5th Lincolnshires who had taken over the front made another advance at midnight to give support to any Sherwood Foresters still holding out. They in turn were heavily resisted and lost many men.
Later still, when the light was poor, more stragglers started to drag themselves in. They were tired, hungry and distressed having got so far and not in the end succeeding. The Germans were again moving about in no-man’s-land not only finding their own wounded but directing their first-aiders and stretcher-bearers to find the English wounded too. This concern for the wounded was reciprocated. It was a seven to one battle, in favour of the Germans.
Occasionally, they would see and hear German and British stretcher parties swearing and cursing at the state of the ground picking up the wounded and staggering off. Those less wounded started to drag themselves in, they were tired, hungry and distressed, having got so far and not in the end succeeding.
Late in the evening a steady rain was falling. The cries and moans of the wounded could just be heard. Occasionally there would be the crack of a rifle shot. In the distance a flare goes up and a louder bang, of an artillery piece which shakes the ground. It was no easy matter for the retiring sections to melt into the ground.
On the 2nd July much effort was made to tidy up the front line and to collect the dead and wounded on both fronts. By the evening of the second day, about 21.00, the Leicesters were relieved by the London Rangers who moved over from the south. What remained of the 46th Division marched back to Bienvillers au Bois shepherding the late comers still making their way back from the battle-field. The Kensingtons were relieved that same night by the 8th Middlesex. Those who were left marched back to the old French trenches near Sailly au Bois relieving the 4th Lincolns in trenches on the north side of Fonquevillers.
The total casualties on the Somme were over 1,300,000 divided equally between allies and the Germans. The battle finally ended on the 14th November 1916, British losses were 400,000. The 56th Division suffered grievously. The figures speak for themselves. The attack on The Kern Redoubt was successfully taken the following year. The casualties on the first day of battle: 1st London Rifles 19 officers and 553 men. 1st London Scottish 14 officers 544 men. 1st Queen’s Westminsters 28 officers and 475 men. 1st Queen Victorias. 1st Kensingtons 16 officers and 300 men.
Lt General Rawlinson attacked with thirteen divisions on a front fifteen miles long north of the River Somme, and the French with five divisions on a front of eight miles mainly south of the river, where the German defence system was less highly developed.
The unconcealed preparations on the Gommecourt front and the long bombardment starting on the 24th June had given away any surprise. This was part of the battle plan envisaged by Generals Haig and Rawlinson. Later findings confirm that the Germans knew they were going to be attacked and had a good idea when, how, and why. Their knowledge and guesses confirms the deception plan was working which was in accordance with the wishes of the British General Headquarters and part of the grand strategy. The more unsure and on-edge the Germans were made to feel – with numerous excursions to their front, the better. These diversions would help the main British attack – drawing away possible German attention, reserves, and resources. No General worth his salt would plan a campaign without such a plan in place. This was not cleaver but proper military thinking.
The German troops taking part in the defence numbered 24,000 men. They suffered 601 casualties, of those 185 were killed. Most of the attacking British battalions lost half their men… each battalion had about 800 men.
According to Fr-Hockley (see The Somme, Pub. 1966), ‘On the morning of the 1st July at 7.15, German observation stations reported a smoke-screen developing on both sides of the salient. Although the British bombardment had been intensified since 6.25, the German fire trenches – facing north-west, (the Staffords front), were not being shelled. Several German observers of the local 91st Reserve Regiment garrison came up from their deep dug-outs to see what was happening. To their front, the ground ran level to the Staffords lines 400-500 yards distant beyond the village of Fonquevillers; on their right the one-time Sucrerie.
Christopher Moore’s, Trench Fever, proclaims that by 09.00 the commander of the Staffords, Brigadier-General Williams, knew that any of his men surviving would not resume the attack – they had had enough – had been shot down like dogs. The Fifth Leicesters who were there in support were told the artillery was being called for a further shoot, and that his job was to organise another wave attack. Major-General Wortley personally took charge realising that a firm hand was necessary – to see that it as carried out. The Sherwood Foresters were on the left, and Staffords and Fifth Leicesters on the right. It was to be a repeat of the morning’s attack, preceded by an artillery barrage, and smoke-screen, planned for a 12.15 start.
This new attack was delayed a number of times because the communication trenches were clogged up with the dead and wounded. Stretcher bearers were ferrying the injured away, and resupply parties struggling forward each jostling each other as they tried to get past. All along the 46th front collapsed trenches were under shell-fire. The previous heavy rain washed away the battered sides making the trench shallower.
At 15.30 the British artillery commenced their bombardment, and the few stokes mortars added their smoke-screen. On the left the smoke was so thin that Brigadier Shipley of the Sherwood’s ordered his men to stay where they were know that it would be slaughter if the attack went ahead. The Staffords seeing that the Sherwood’s were not getting out of their trench and shell holes refused to go forward, as did the Fifth Leicesters. It was stale-mate no-one moved…
The German artillery, being informed that the British bombardment had started up again and a smoke-screen created, prepared another shoot. Now they were fully alert thinking this was another attack. They redoubled their efforts sending down a shrapnel barrage which caused even more casualties to the wounded men. There were those huddling in shell holes – waiting for a chance to get back to their lines, and the sheltering advancing troops waiting for an inspired officer to lead them forward.
By 16.00, Lt-General Snow knew that the 56th were being slowly pushed back and the 46th stalled. He concluded the attack to link up was not going to happen so instruct the attempt to be called off and the original British front line re-established and remanned. The diversion had been made and achieved, but the hope of joining up – of straightening the line to eliminate the salient had to be abandoned. From now on there would be recriminations. Who was going to pay the price for failure was not so clear. Was it the plan, the planners or the poor bloody infantry?
Considering the attack had been purely a diversion and not meant to be a break-out the effort by the Territorials had been very costly. The Grand Plan to help the French was a noble one and its aim strategically necessary. However, war’s simple object to remove the enemy was not achieved. Rawlinson’s insistence on a lengthy bombardment – to soften German resistance, was an acceptable strategy, if it had been achieved. It wasn’t because the necessary weapons were not at hand. Haig had preferred a shorter preliminary bombardment and the adoption of skirmishing infantry tactics. This may have worked better but I am doubtful.
Haig’s deferment to Rawlinson’s greater experience and fears were in error. No front line soldier would ever limit artillery bombardment to his enemy given the chance. However, this presupposes that the artillery would achieve all its targets and purposes. In this instance the artillery failed miserably. Their expertise at reducing specific targets was pathetic, and their wire cutting skills hopeless. They were not up to the task. This was not necessarily their fault. They were not properly trained, nor did they have the proper weapons or shells. These deficiencies should have been exposed before the battle by Rawlinson. It was after all his plan. The artillery’s goals were an integral part of this plan and had to be achieved. The gunners were quite incapable of backing the infantry although they thought at the time they were doing a good job. The observers could see the targets putting up a shower of earth and smoke but this was simply surface material. The dug in and reinforced bunkers and weapon pits were hardly being touched. The Germans purposely alerted to the coming attack had retired most of his troops back to the rear trenches, some even to his third trench on the road. That the British had only 60 howitzers along the whole front speaks volumes for only howitzers are produced to project shells to fall vertically. A trajectory necessary to puncture dug-outs and penetrate the top cover to weapon pits.
Brigadier Scott’s Presentation: Artillery Survey in World War 1, 22.01.2003, at Woolwich, maintains Britain was not prepared for war in 1914. The artillery had 18-pounder guns and 4.5-inch howitzers with which to raise gun positions and men in dug-outs. Such weapons are only suitable for targets in the open. For the battle on the Somme, Rawlinson had only 105 heavy guns (Farrar-Hockley, The Somme, maintains 107 guns) and howitzers by the previous June: 36 x 60-powder guns, 8 x 6-inch guns, 40 x old 6-inch howitzers, 4 x 8-inch howitzers, 14 x 9.2-inch howitzers and 3 x 15-inch howitzers. Scott maintains: “The state of the maps were poor, and that using flash to bang to determine range was inaccurate”. (Lt-General Allenby commander of the British Third Army later authorized a flash spotting course) The battle relied upon air reconnaissance to locate enemy guns. (Commander Second Army ordered: “Counter-battery work must be a matter chiefly for the heavy artillery and that enemy gun location allotted to the Artillery Intelligence Officer and his assistants attached to each Group Commander. This bought into being the start to official counter-bombardment systems. By 1st July each army had a flash spotting Observation Section of the then 1 Field Survey Company continuously manned connected to observation posts by telephone. However, it took some time for the spotting information to be passed up to the Corps Counter-Battery Officer and down to a gun battery.
According to Brigadier-General Sir James E. Edmonds, C.B, C.M.G, Royal Engineers. (Retd), p.s.c.) Official History of The Great War, Vol. 1, and the British guns fired 20,000 tons of metal from the start of the battle on the 24th which was in total 1,627,824 shells of all types. Christopher Moore maintains in Trench Fever, “perhaps, one third were duds?” What is clear from official records is that most of the shot was shrapnel unsuitable to raise dug-in positions.
Owing to the dense and ridged infantry tactics, ‘The Wave System’ employed by Rawlinson, the losses were unnecessarily heavy. Rush and drop, cover and deploy, are the skills of a skirmisher using the terrain. Such tactics might have achieved more. In this instance, it would most certainly have been no worse and possibly better. Giving advancing troops the option of reaching a certain position using whatever tactics the situation demands on the day can have a better result, if resolutely carried out? It was in this that Rawlinson had his doubts. He believed the Territorial’s resolve and skill was wanting.
Rawlinson’s wave system relied on the artillery to lay down a creeping barrage before the leading troops – to make the enemy drop down below their parapet. It was timed to the minute and applied to precede the first wave.
For this part of the plan to work efficiently the following troops must follow precisely. They should not be too far forward to catch shot falling short nor to far behind to allow the Germans to pop up. There are a number of ways which would make the system defunct: if the Germans gunned down the first wave the second might not move forward to cover the gap, if the wire was not cut resulting in bunching up, if the terrain was shell holed, slippery, or coved by the dead and dying. Any or all of these would ensure the barrage would begin to be out of sync for the advancing first wave. As this was a fundamental part of the battle plan – a way to get the troops to move forward, it was useless and bound to breakdown. In battle fatigues with normal webbing pouches for spare ammunition tiraillieurs can move independently to meet with situations as they appear. If, as was so in this case, the forward troops are weighed down by carrying too much equipment freedom and flexibility of movement is placed in jeopardy. Supporting troops can bring forward any extra equipment that is needed allowing the time-table for keeping up with the creeping barrage to be met.
Rawlinson also wrongly believed the artillery would achieve its targets, and keep the German heads down. In this he was fundamentally wrong and guilty for not proving so himself. That what he was planning – for the opposing guns to be eliminated and German troops to be cowered, was not possible using the weapons he had available nor were the Germans daft enough to place themselves where they could be shelled having been forewarned what was going to happen.
The smoke-screen was also a large part of the infantry tactic giving cover to those advancing and dismay to those fearing discovery and surprise. Again this weapon was not universally efficient and effectual. Rawlinson turned down the use of a night attack fearing uncertainty at best and chaos at worst… once again fearing the poor training of the Territorials. His battle plan was based upon his army’s lack of infantry expertise.
Rawlinson and his Headquarters had failed to recognise the depth and strength of the German trench system; insisted on a ‘wave system’ of attack placing far too much reliance on his artillery – not understanding its obvious limitations.
Planning diversions are a major part of any battle. Their usefulness can be outweighed if there are too many casualties or loss of equipment. Rawlinson did tell his commanders not to take their attack too far, nor to go forward without making sure the German trenches to their front were abandoned, for there were no reserves or support for a follow-up. These flexible orders relying upon individual decisions made in the heat of battle are susceptible to hasty judgements, there is a tendency for commanders to become dogged – not give up. It requires a strong leader to pull his troops back.
The fault was General Snow’s who persisted in the attack. Rawlinson should have made sure his orders were obeyed. In the end, too much was asked of too few troops, relying on the unknown effects of prolonged shelling. The poor performance of the 46th Division can be attributed to bad preparatory work by the area commanders – to make sure the barbed wire had been rendered useless to the defender.
There are no references to suggest efforts were made to find out if there were gaps in the German wire, where, and how extensive, on the night before the battle. In the event that there were none, or, not in the correct places, Bangalore torpedoes used before the troops made the attack the next morning. This essential check, to ensure the attack had a chance, seems elementary. Then lane markers laid, and their positions marked on maps – for battalion commanders. Sniper teams, to give the attackers cover, an essential ingredient – also, to give the advancing troops confidence.
The main aim of the attackers is to take the German front line – for that to happen the troops have to get there. The use of smoke, by shell, bomb and candle, to mask attacking weaves is essential – if there is a fear the attackers are being watched – who would prevent them reaching the line, or, if the smoke is too thick so the attackers cannot see the man next to them, it is useless. Having smoke teams in no-man’s-land to ensure that a suitable cover given is a must if there is any prevailing wind, or there is a possibility the initial cover badly laid. The guiding tape-lines must be laid whilst it is still dark before the last shell has dropped. There is no point laying cable and tape in no-man’s-land if firing is still going on.
The new halfway trench dug on the 56th Hebuterne front should have been more successfully copied on the north, Raiding parties should have been sent out to create unease and uncertainty, and more attention should have been paid to eliminating the machine gun nests at ‘Z’. The North Midland’s strength and vigour prior to the attack had been severely strained by marching backwards and forwards to practice at Lucheux and the ghastly weather. Both added to their misery.
It was a seven to one battle in favour of the Germans. Both the 46th and 56th Divisions remained on the battle-field until October. The fact that the attack at Gommecourt did distract the Germans in the end made very little difference to the failed effort of the main battle. The first days figures for casualties on the Somme were 57,470 men.
General Farrar-Hockley opinion: they had not failed at all. Their task had not been to capture Gommecourt, perhaps the strongest position in the sector, but to divert upon themselves ‘the fire of artillery and infantry which might otherwise be directed against the flank of the main attack near Serre’ was a fact, but pressure could still have been mounted to ensure the ruse was believed with needless loss of the vast numbers of men. The point of all the attacks along the front was to take the strain away from the French. In this the battle on the Somme succeeded.
Martin Middlebrook maintains with hindsight that the battle should not have been waged at all due to both side being locked in a stalemate… believing that it would have taken a genius and a brave man to have spoken out. That is true but leaving hindsight aside what occurred was unnecessary slaughter. Rawlinson’s Wave theory was ridiculous as was his reliance on the artillery to take out the German guns, machine gun pits, and to break-up the wire. The infantry were badly handled. Riflemen were that days ‘sharpshooters, skirmishers, or tirailleurs. On the day the Territorial’s acted like Guardsmen without their irregular forward protectors.
Local area commanders should have made greater use of night patrols: to inspect the state of the wire, the shell holed landscape, and where best cover and entry could be found. Special units should have plotted where static machine gun nests were located, so that a sniper and his observer could remove each one early-on – at the start of the attack – when the first wave went forward. Barbed wire dealt with by Bangalore torpedoes, early on the first morning, to make sure there were sufficient gaps to prevent bunching up. Local commanders given targets relative to the overall plan then told to get on and devise a solution suited to the local conditions.
Constructing a new trench half-way between the front lines – into no-man’s-land, did give greater security and speed-up the attack.
Laying on a smoke-screen to hide the advancing troops; bombarding the German trench system to keep the enemy heads down and inflict damage; were helpful and did reduce casualties. Greater use of counter-battery work should have been practiced though.
Even if the two Divisions had met up the redoubt was too strong for the numbers used and the inability to keep the forward troops supplied with ammunition and grenades was a failing. Haig should have insisted on a shorter time spent on the bombardment and the rush and drop tactics of the skirmishers rather than Rawlinson’s wave system.
That August 1916 the Kensingtons were relieved by a Yorkshire brigade. They had been on the Somme further south, they were to take their place. Why there was this desire to alter the battalion’s position was never made clear. The destination was Abbeville for a rest period, before taking their place at the front… the Battalion had been withdrawn to re-equip and to train the new intake coming from the call for volunteers. The Commanding Officer was relieved to take over a battalion of Cheshires. In his place a Captain from another battalion, was made up to Major to take command. On the 3rd September, at 4 am the Kensingtons marched from Millencourt to the railway station at St. Riquier there to board a train to take them to Corbie. By mid-morning the battalion arrived, offloaded, and marched to Daours where, they were told, billets had been reserved for them. As they marched along orders were received that they were going to the wrong place – that they should be heading for Sailly-le-Sec. Halting the battalion, each company was ‘about turned’ and the whole moved off in reverse order following the road back through Corbie to reach their correct destination at about three in the afternoon… shortly afterwards their kit was delivered from Millencourt by the battalion transport. Even though the battalion had had a number of weeks at Millencourt to train and get to know the new replacements there was still a lot more to impart. These new intakes were not long out of training camps in England.
Now the Kensingtons were up to strength for men, but for officers, there was a shortage [there were only 23 in the battalion]. Again my father was asked to take a commission – to take over command of his company, but again he refused wishing to retain his status and respect by his men. It is difficult from this distance to understand fully his thinking. He believed that his men were being led badly – by inexperienced officers. This should have been his opportunity to do something about it. As it was it was he who was giving the orders to his company for the sub-lieutenants relied upon him. Perhaps it was this that controlled his thinking?
At Sailly-le-Sec the battalion were housed in tents. On the 6th orders were received [Operation Order No. 60.] to obey all future commands from the 15th Brigade, the Kensingtons had been lent to the 15th Brigade and ordered into line based on Chimpanzee Trench – between Maricourt and Trones Wood. Late that afternoon, the battalion were gathering up supplies of ammunition, rockets, grenades etc., stockpiled in preparation in Chimpanzee Trench by the 300 existing troops lead by Major Deakin. Clutching their extra loads the battalion made its way into the advanced frontline positions, relieving the 7th Irish Fusiliers who were to form a reserve south of Angle Wood. Contained in the orders were additional instructions to try and extend the position in an easterly direction, digging in as close to the German trench as possible, whilst pushing out patrols into Combles to back-up the French who were also adopting a more aggressive stance. The H.Q. command post was positioned in Chimpanzee Trench where the brigadier was installed. The Advanced H.Q. held the battalion signallers, and artillery spotters. It was the first battle the battalion was to experience using tanks to accompany the advance…
It was clear that H.Q. had no real idea what the Kensingtons were to face – whether their trench was held by the Germans, in what numbers or what the state of play was in Combles? The orders had not been written without any understanding of the true position. The condition of the trenches was bad… it had been raining and the ground was under water. The battalion had to carry their loads in single file pushing their way past the troops who were already there. The guides provided to settle the men into line had only been there the day before and were unused to the exact location of the position.
The day before the 7th Irish Fusiliers had attacked the Germans on the understanding that the position was only lightly held. Unfortunately the ground to the front was strongly guarded by barbed wire entanglements that had been hidden by the abundant growth of standing corn. The Germans had covered the area well with fixed lines covered by machine guns. The Fusiliers had lost 350 men. The survivors had hidden in shell holes. It was these holes that the Kensingtons joined together to make a forward position ready for the advance the following morning.
Now the tanks rolled forward for the first time. How the troop rejoiced in their inclusion thinking that they would grind away the confounded barbed-wire. Spending the night at the Citadel Camp after the exhausting march from Bray. The same afternoon the King rode by with a large number of staff officers. The Kensingtons were making for Fricourt after staying the night at Citadel Camp. Once there proceeded to off-load their packs and take up battle equipment. They were to relieve the 7th Royal Irish Fusiliers in trenches close to Falfemont Farm and Leuze Wood and the Warwickshire Regiment. Men from the 7th guided them in single file, officers leading, past a wood on to a rough track past wounded men going the other way. It was almost pitch dark as they made our way along keeping our free hand on the shoulder of the man in front. Occasionally there would be a blinding flash and thunderous crack as our artillery fired over our heads. Stretcher cases were trying to make their way past slipping and sliding with their charges groaning with pain. The men travelled for about seven miles taking fifteen hours to complete. Eventually slid down a narrow track with steep sides into Angle Wood Valley. On the right was an embankment the top showing the stumps of Wedge Wood?
The Kensingtons were on the extreme right of the British Army next to a French battalion. The two valleys running off the hill held an abandoned French machine-gun post with piles of empty cartridge cases. All this time the battalion was filing into position with the remnants of the Royal Irish Fusiliers going back – taken out of the line…? The RIF had got as far as the corn fields that had concealed the German trench and barbed wire, in front of Combles… After suffering enormous casualties – losing half their strength, they now needed rest and their numbers making up.
On the left of the ridge there was a trench full of dead German soldiers. They were Prussian Guards without their outer uniforms just wearing their white vests. The bodies were stacked up on top do each other making it difficult to make a way through them. At last we reached the shell holes that had been linked together taking over from the remaining Irish Fusiliers. Our immediate job was to try and reform the trench system.
Battle of Guillemot, 3-6 September, 1916.The Officer Commanding the Kensingtons was ordered to extend his line from the south corner of Leuze Wood and dig-in as close to the German trench as possible. During the night, the Kensingtons has moved out to attack the German trench. Unknown to them the Germans had reinforced that part of their line – which had been previously lightly held. A bombardment was laid down by the Germans on the British troops, as they surged forward. They fell back, to reform, and try again.
The battalion had been fully up to strength at the start of the battle, they, with the help of a flanking French battalion, were to advance upon Combles as the Germans, it was believed, had left it unoccupied – the General Staff thought the Germans would be in retreat after such a bombardment… this was not the case!
The Kensington Commanding Officer split his battalion in two. Half were to take over the shell holes to their front and link them together – to form a trench. The other half battalion were to take over the old German trench and reverse the firesteps – to support the new trench being constructed. When all was quiet patrols were sent out to find out how strong the German position was and to take prisoners if possible. One patrol was to seek out the French battalion to find out what they had in mind – to link up the advance the next day.
The patrols reported back that the German trench was strongly held with barbed wire entanglements firmly in place with no gaps. The French CO sent a detailed plan showing where their positions were and the extent of the numbers holding them. It was clear from the sketch that the French poison was not so advanced as previously thought. These plans and descriptions were sent back to the Brigade HQ.
The Kensingtons CO held back from making a daylight attack the next day. That afternoon the French flanking battalion attacked to be repulsed ending up back where they had started in the first place. As darkness fell that evening the Kensingtons moved out. The Germans became aware of movement to their front called down a heavy bombardment on the advancing troops. The Kensingtons retired to reform and strike out again. But by now the Germans were fully alerted and kept up a steady machine gun fire. Again the Kensingtons were repulsed.
In the morning the regiment advanced again towards the trenches in front of Combles, they stumbled, upon uncut barbed wire, which had been hidden by the long grass. Very heavy fire from both machine gun and rifle was directed on them. A third of the regiment fell killed or wounded the rest fell back taking cover where they could. They started to try digging a trench to connect the shell-holes together.
The Kensingtons tried to take Combles again that night but by then the Germans had reoccupied their trenches and alerted to this possibility. The Kensington’s were again strongly opposed only this time they had the added trial of a German barrage. These shells straddled both the newly dug trench and their original positions…the Kensingtons were caught in the middle, where they huddled in shell holes all night.
After being berated by high command, the Commanding Officer decided to try again the next morning… The following day, on the Sunday, a third try was prepared. The morning dawned clear and sunny… again the troops were ordered forward. There was only about half the regiment left and most of the officers had been either killed or wounded. It was a gallant effort but again it failed…!
The Commanding Officer was ordered to report to the Battalion Head Quarters where he was asked why they had failed to occupy the trench and conduct patrols to strengthen their position. He reported that he had not been ordered to do that in the first place and that his original orders had come from another brigade; he went on to report, that his orders came via another brigade and that he did not know who was in charge of the operation. High Command ordered him to recommence the attack…
After another tremendous bombardment, the artillery fire lifted to range onto the German second line trenches. The day’s rations eaten before the shelling had stopped washed down with water. The feeling was that they might as well die with a full stomach rather than have to carry extra weight. It also stopped the men from thinking about the tremendous racket made by the shelling. Many were feeling quite petrified although there was nothing one could do to relieve the tension. Cigarettes were passed round and lit. It was clear that if one talked continuously it made waiting that much easier. The conversation was about nothing in particular just idle chatter. Overhead the Germans had raised balloons to observe the fall of their shot. The Royal Flying Corps were up taking pot shots of the balloons to try to bring them down. Some companies had moved forward into No Mans Land.
My father and his company climbed over the parapet and went towards the German lines. By moving rapidly, they reached the German trenches… there was not anyone about? It was not realised by the Allies how complicated and well constructed the German positions were… the Germans were below ground in deep dugouts Shortly afterwards the German machine guns went into action. They had been hiding in their deep bunkers perfectly safe. As soon as the British shelling had stopped to allow their troops to move forwards up they popped pulling their guns up on ropes. The trenches had been prepared to take the machine guns to give them fixed lines that covered their front. They continuously fired their guns putting down a carpet of fire mowing everyone down. My father found he was the only one standing either everyone else was dead or wounded. He immediately jumped into a shell hole where he found a few others who had survived. There they stayed whilst the machine guns continued to blast away. Eventually the fire lifted and my father found they were up against the German trench parapet. Organising an advance he lead his few men into the German trenches again only this time they knew they had to eliminate the Germans in their deep bunkers which they did with grenades.
This battle continued long after it was realised it was a hopeless cause. Urged to maintain pressure on the Germans to relieve the French at Verdun these battles continued well into November. The ground resembled the imagine landscape of the moon. It was a shocking wilderness of mud, shell holes, flooded trenches and parts of bodies lying amongst discarded equipment. Four and a half months of turmoil had resulted in an advance of five miles. Both sides had lost nearly half a million men each. The Kensingtons were drawn back from the front to rest, shortly afterwards.
In 1917 Alfred Kearey was posted as missing believed killed as was his youngest brother Sidney, who was only seventeen… Fred died the following year. Walter had already been killed in Gallipoli just after the landing. Martha despaired and vowed never to come out of morning wearing each of her son’s medals in turn each Sunday. She had taken to reading her bible every day to be closer to her boys.
In Britain there was a call for volunteers. It could be seen that the war was not going to end soon – that there were going to be more large battles and many more deaths before the Germans defeated. Quickly men rushed to join the colours. In the first eighteen months, two and a half million men were volunteers. It could be seen that the pick of these men were the finest the nation could produce.
Battle of Arras, 9th April – 20th May, 1917. All through that winter of 1916 after the battles on the Somme, the weather had been awful with wind driven sleet and snow… but the Allies kept up the pressure. The local populace could not remember a colder winter, there were weeks of unbroken frost. Uniforms froze solid and could not be taken off before being partly unfrozen. Plans were afoot to restart the attacks on the front as soon as the weather improved…
The Germans strengthened their line by giving up some less tactical parts to permit an easier defensible position. Their army was undoubtedly weaker. In mid-March the Germans pulled back to the Hindenburg Line constructed the previous year by the then Chief of Staff Von Hindenburg and his Quartermaster General Ludendorff. It stretched from the coast to Metz and was an extremely strong series of interlinking strong points and barbed wire entanglements.
The Allies plan devised by General Robert Neville was to launch a massive attack in the south – on the Aisne, whilst the British were to contribute by asserting pressure, with fourteen divisions, in front of Arras. This surprise attack was meant to guarantee victory in forty-eight hours.
On the 4th April, a furious bombardment commenced. Once again the object was: to cut the wire, keep the Germans underground, knock out as many strongholds as possible and give hope and support to the waiting troops. This artillery effort had 2,800 guns firing a variety of calibres.
The attack by the British troops began on the morning of the 9th April that included ten British and four Canadian divisions. The goal was to scale the Vimy Ridge heights.
At the northern end of the line the attack was a brilliant success as the troops backed up by tanks forced the heights on a three mile front. Ten thousand prisoners were captured, stronghold blasted flat and many guns destroyed and captured. However, at the southern end of the ridge the battle see-sawed backwards and forwards for five days… the Germans directing more and more reserves forward. Five days later the British attack was halted to allow the French to advance to the Aisne… The French tried hard to keep the pressure up but the offensive turned into a colossal failure as the Germans started to press forward. The French injected further fresh troops which together made fifty-four divisions attempting to hold the tide. Mutiny took place as Frenchmen refused to take up arms. Nivelle was sacked and Marshal Petain installed as the new Commander-in-Chief. Around Arras General Haig continued to attack into May. They were costly advances. The Kensingtons played an important part for over nine weeks having to re-enter the line on a number of occasions.
The Kensingtons were directed to take up quarters not far from the station of Rue du Saumon. All the houses adjacent to the station had their cellars linked together. These quarters had been occupied by each army in turn as the battles seesawed backwards and forwards. The men were detailed off sleeping on all the floors of each of the houses still standing. The battalion was taken out of the line and the majority of men were found room in the Schramm Barracks. The whole place was crowded with troops from Canada and South Africa.
On the 9th April, there was launched, on a front of fourteen miles, the Battle of Arras. The most important feature was Vimy Ridge, which stands two or three miles to the north of Arras. The men still had to put up with the atrocious weather conditions. When the battle commenced on Easter Monday there was a strong south-westerly squalls rain and sleet and even snow flurries hampered the build up in the front lines. As usual there were some successes but the bad weather played a part in stopping observation by the Royal Flying Corps – to give the fall of shot. A week later there was launched to the south an offensive by general Nivelle who had prophesied would be a day of glory for France. It turned out to be one of appalling disaster, partly because the Germans had acquired the plans for the French attack. The French were soundly beaten and broken… they were on their knees.
The failure by the French meant that the British had to not only withstand their own pressure received from the Germans but push forward with even greater force to take some of the pressure off the French front. General Haig had to continue the battle longer than he wanted to. It was during that week that the United States entered the war against Germany.
Towards the end of April 1917 Douglas Haig completed his plans for the campaign in Flanders, something he had always wanted but was dissuaded by Nivelle. Over the next three weeks the already tired troop were told to keep up the pressure and go on the attack. During May these attacks failed at Cambrai.
The Kensington battalion stayed on the Arras front for over two months, not always at the same sector for they were occasionally rested… to return to some other position. The battalion took up residence of some villages behind the line. Afterward returned to Beaurains – in reserve. There the men helped construct a new camp using corrugated iron. Once again the weather was awful – raining continuously.
Third Battle of the Scarp, 3rd May, 7th June, 1917. On the 3rd May the British Army made a gallant attack at a quarter to four in the morning on the Hindenburg Line along a front of sixteen miles, the most formidable was the section around Bullecourt, ten or so miles to the southeast of Arras. The broke through in many places but their successes were short-lived because the enemy threw in a series of counter-attacks. There took place what was known as the Third Battle of the Scarp.
For two years the British miners had been tunnelling under the ridge constructing twenty-one mines of which two failed to detonate, the other nineteen succeeded. The German knew this was going on but not the scale of exact whereabouts. The massive explosion destroyed part of the German front line and support positions.
The attack on the Messines Ridge was commanded by General Sir Herbert Plumer leading the British 2nd Army of nine infantry division from X, IX, and II Anzac Corps. Plumer had his orders extended to cover the first line, the second, the village of Wytshaete, and the reverse slope position… an advance of nearly two miles. He deployed massed artillery pieces whose job it was to saturate the German lines – to be taken, and return fire – to eliminate German artillery positions. The creeping barrage was followed up by tanks and infantry who achieved their aim – the village of Messines in the first phase, an hour after the explosion. The second phase, the village of Wytshaete, fell two hours after that. This June offensive was a success achieving its objectives with fewer casualties than expected.
Was launched once again in the early hours of the 7th June 1917… starting by this enormous explosion – from a series of nineteen gigantic mines at 3.10, that exploded underneath the ridge itself… and was even heard in London. This literally blowing the Germans off the ridge. Initially the attack was a success achieving all the first objectives. The British and Empire Forces immediately occupied the ridge… they quickly reassembled the trenches reversing the firing steps and parapet. Several attempts were made by the Germans to retake the line but to no avail – they were not strong enough.
Unfortunately Douglas Haig was asked to attend a meeting with the Politicians in London. These meeting lasted six weeks and during this time when the weather was at its best the moment was lost, impetus drained away. The storming of the ridge at Messines and the opening of the larger offensive cost the British troops dearly.
1st Battle of Passchendale, 15th July, 1917.By the time Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig, the British Expeditionary Force’s Commander-in-Chief returned from England, the Germans had found some reserves, even thinning out troops in the front line opposite the French, who were in no position to take advantage. Haig believed the German Army was on its last legs – near to collapse after the battles of The Somme and Arras. The British Grand Plan, its primary motive, was to break out of the salient and open up a route to the Belgian coast and the U-boat harbours – to relieve the strain on the multi-national merchant fleet – stop the sinking of desperately needed supply vessels.
At the end of June there was launched a series of separate attacks made by Britain’s Army. The culmination is recorded under a number of titles [indicated] Third Battle of Ypres. It was the start to total misery. The British command attacked the Imperial German Army… the object: to seize the village of Passchendale. As secondary motives: to deny the Germans the better defended ridge… to take some of the strain off the French at Verdun, who were having morale problems… to deflect the German submarine campaign… to hinder the German bombers offensive on mainland England.
The British War cabinet approved the plan for the summer offensive – to begin in the 20th July 1917. A vast number of artillery piece were assembled whose task was to completely flatten the German trenches, supply dumps and strongholds. Eleven days were calculated in which to accomplish this task.
The picture facing the British was one of a low lying ridge that gave the defending enemy better observation of the plain. This, the British observed from a naturally swampy plain without any redeeming features. The farmland had been criss-crossed with drains and ditches seeking natural escape routes for the water. These watercourses had been blasted away over the previous months that not only upset the natural flow of water but redirected storm water. That summer the weather had been unusually wet.
British and Commonwealth troops attacked making a spectacular advance quickly. That summer was a particularly wet one… during the bombardment the rain started falling… off and on, during the whole period… turning into a heavy drizzle on the day of the attack. The battlefield was a quagmire. Nevertheless the troops mostly achieved their allotted tasks.
The Germans, in their organised manner, had prepared on the ridge deep fortifications, blockhouses, pillboxes and defensive positions with linking defile trenches protected by staked barbed wire, all covered against enfilading fire. These defended positions formed four lines facing the British and a further line on the reverse slope. Adopting their newly devised plan of lightly defending the forward position, keeping the body of their troop below ground in deep shelters and retaining reserves in counter-attacking positions, they awaited the battle. The manner of defence was replicated at both the villages of Messines and Wytshaete.
To consolidate the newly won positions and to plan the next advance took six weeks. During this delay the Germans improved their defences by installing another strategic defence line to the south, and a further one on the reverse slope. The existing machine-gun emplacements were resisted to take regard of the new, extra, defence line.
The battle started about the middle of July lead by General Sir Herbert Gough. Is task was to take the Gheluvet Plateau, which was proceeded by a four-day bombardment. The Germans knowing that this probably heralded an attack moved more troops the defences. Appreciating the significance of the prolonged barrage they prepared their new offensive weapon mustard gas.
Battle of Pilckem Ridge, July, 1917. After the bombardment the British attacked forcing their way up the slight ridge gaining over a mile. The British were learning the hard way that it is better to plan carefully to achieve a limited objective then defend it. The artillery also responded to the counter-battery with more precision knowing the Germans would follow up the attack to expel the invaders.
In July 1917 the battalion entrained at Liencourt to be deposited at St Omer, there to march to the villages of Houle and Moule to be got ready for the next battle. It was the most wonderful weather. The countryside had never looked better and the river sparkled. If there was anything which put everyone in good spirits it was the sun allowing everyone to wash and laundry their clothes. But it wasn’t for long before we had to take an old grey painted London bus to Abeel and onwards to take part in the 3rd Battle of Ypres. The journey was filled with singing and shouting as we journeyed along the county roads past woods, meadows and fields of hay. We reached the village on the Franco-Belgium border. We all fell-in to be marched to Steenvoode. The villages did not look particularly inviting. Marching along feeling quite jolly arrived at Mic-Mac Camp close to Dickebush, there being several Nissen huts. Now we were in the battle zone where the roads and fields were pocked marked with shell holes filled with water. The village of Ouderdom was only a mile or so away. We continued marching getting nearer and nearer to the sounds of battle at last entering the village were directed to a disused brewery. There was no singing now only a grim deadly look of resignation. Everyone quietened down knowing that shortly we were to go to the front. After staying in the village for a few days we set off again towards Ypres.
On the 15th August 1917 the weather was threatening and the storm clouds complimented our depressed feeling. We continued marching in open formation passing Shrapnel Corner. On the right the walls of the city and on the left the moat which ran parallel to the front.
Battle of Langemarck, 16-18th August 1917. Over this devastated area the battle raged. It was described as a nightmare casualty station… was inundated – they were shelled by day and bombed at night. The scene in the horse lines was horrible. Lines of horses blown to pieces others stampede around helplessly with torn limbs. Any attempt to move in the thick mud and filled shell hole was impossible any straying meant drowning without being able to move from the cloying mud. The Germans drew breath praying for more rain which was their greatest saviour. At Estree Blanche another attack was made but the weather took another turn for the worst and the attack faltered.
In August the weather broke and the month of August became the wettest known in that part of Flanders. The artillery attack left the ground pock-marked by shell holes that filled up with water. Before troops could advance a path of duck-boards had to be laid following tapes laid by the Pioneers. The next two weeks saw both sides engaged in repeated artillery barrages – each side trying to outdo the other in weight of fired shot and saturation. The battalions took it in turn to keep up the attack throughout the fortnight. On the 16th August the Battle of Langemarck was launched just before dawn. Eight divisions were assigned to create an enormous shove on a wide front.
The day before, expeditionary forces were pushed forward to clear the ground before the main attack… over-running several strongholds including the main fortification of Au Bon Gite, which although surrounded held out. The battle see sawed backwards and forwards, but the attacking troops had secured a vital foothold across the Steenbeek. This was essential to the main attack the following night.
The 60th and 61st Brigades would be able to cross and form up within striking distance of the German trenches the next morning… to allow the main body of troops, coming up behind, to pass through the hoped for break in the German line.
The 2nd British Army took over from the 5th. Bringing General Plumer into action again. He decided to take the offensive towards the southeast along the southern half of Passchendale Ridge using limited action, then taking a firm stance – to hold on to what was gained.
There were three objectives – a series of lines five hundred yards apart, identified by the colours blue, green and red. The two-hundred attacking troops in the first wave were to hold the first position – defined by the road on the western side of the village, this was the blue line… they were to stay there for twenty minutes before following up. The second wave passed through these men holding the road… setting out to attack and clear the village stopping at the far side to reform and dig in. The third wave then passed on through the two former lines, to secure a third, red line, marked by a series of German trenches. When the third wave attacked the trenches the first would be following up in a supporting role. The green, when their role of keeping the German heads down over would then join in.
Meanwhile, the artillery would fire a creeping barrage in front of the leading troops – to form a curtain of fire and to pulverise the enemy. Signallers were detailed off to lay a line behind the leading troops to allow artillery observers to report back. This barrage would lift every five minutes one-hundred yards… until the German trench were reached, and then a final lift of two hundred yards… to deter any possible counterattack to take back the trench. This final artillery contribution would allow the sized German trench to be fitted with new firing steps and machine gun positions. This was the plan for the capture of Langemarck all the attacking troops took part in necessary training for the battle at the beginning of August.
The planners meant this to herald a breakout which demanded that the various stages to be rigidly kept – so that the overlapping waves would provide the support for the leading troops. This demanded the men should not be weighed down by having to carry their packs which were left behind to be kept in store… there was going to be enough extra ammunition and equipment to be carried as it was!
Before all set piece battles the men played cards, told stories and busied themselves to take their minds off what was to happen. Two days rations were passed out and the water carriers struggled to fill up the water bottles. The officers instructed the sergeants what the plan was so that the men could be told what their particular tasks were to be. Flares were issued to be lit to indicate when they reached the German trench.
The night of the attack was cold and it was raining hard. The troops formed a single file all along the Yser Canal keeping as quiet as possible. At 22.30 hrs. they moved off crossing the water keeping a hundred yards between each of the four companies. An hour later, after making their way over planks laid over the worst stretches, the way indicated by white tape, the men were allowed to rest. Starting again their march continued still making use of the carefully prepared track by the pioneers the previous night. Crossing over the road and keeping the railway line on their left then over the stream the first wave arrived at the assembly line on the far side of the Steenbeek. The German front line was very close – only about eighty yards away, the leading troops could hear the Germans talking. It was clear that the Germans had no idea of what was about to happen.
At 4.30 the artillery started to pulverise the German position… then ceased firing to allow the attack to go in. The ground had been stirred up by the bombardment making it even more pock marked. The forward line of troops was knee deep in mud. The attack was going well the Germans did not have a chance to retaliate. As the waves passed through each other the artillery lifted their fire. At 5.00 the battalion was in position.
The attacking troops found that the opposition was lighter than expected. The bombardment was having the desired effect. The Germans were in confusion. The barbed wire had been cut and flattened. As the first to reach the trench jumped in there was hand to hand fighting. The bombers were out moving along the trench throwing their bombs down into the dugouts. Men were detached to search out documents, maps and orders trying to identify the Germans who had been manning the trench. Anything of interest was collected and sent back to headquarters.
The supporting troops using their Lewis guns caused many casualties allowing many prisoners to be taken. The red line had been reached and the attacking force was digging in, reversing the firing steps and mounting the machines guns to cover their front.
The forward battlefield was now empty. No attack in the past had occurred without the Germans reacting by trying to retake lost ground. There was no reason to suppose that this was not going to happen here. Enemy aircraft were flying overhead no doubt surveying the ground reporting on the condition and numbers of opposing forces. At 17.00 hrs. there was movement ahead and the British observers were blowing their whistles. Orders were given to stand up and receive the enemy. The Germans were about a battalion in strength. The order was given to open fire including the now mounted and positioned Lewis guns. A green rocket was fired to alert the artillery to lay down a barrage. This had the desired effect for the Germans gave up and disappeared. There was a second attack two and a half hours later but this to failed to dislodge the British. Patrols were sent out throughout the night but it remained calm.
The following morning, the 17th August, the orderly teams were collecting and issuing the battalion’s breakfast, topping up water bottles and issuing ammunition. The Germans were firing a morning hate barrage directing their fire at the farm and Langemarck… this continued practically all day. That evening a minor attack was made to secure a short section of trench the Germans had retaken. This was soon accomplished forcing the Germans to leave in rather a hurry… ending the operation as the 20th Division moved into reserve.
The battle was over by eleven, and by that time the reversing of the firesteps completed… There was now time to allow the men to take it in turns to rest, clean up and have a smoke. The place was an utter shambles. All the craters were half filled with water. The bodies of the dead and wounded littered the ground. The wounded were crying out and the stretcher parties were moving about collecting up the worst cases. It took sometimes six men to move one wounded soldier because the sticky mud was at knee height and the shell holes had to be straddled as the water squelched out at each step. A section of German 4.2-inch howitzers and one 77-mm field gun had been captured and a number of pillboxes and strongholds put out of action. This part of the battle had been a success with relatively few casualties… however; the battle in the south was a disaster with 15,000 casualties and very little gain.
The afternoon went by and the Germans never tried to retake the trench… was a relief, as the men were pretty done in. Those who had slight wounds made their way back to the casualty station. Each battalion had their own stretcher bearers who were busy. They had receive sufficient first aid to attempt to stop wounds bleeding and to prepare the wounded for the journey back to the rear… three-quarters of a mile away, over the other side of the Steenbeek, and then a further three-quarters of a mile to Gallwitz Farm which was the Forward Advanced Dressing Station. On the morning of the 18th August the survivors were then taken by either horse-drawn ambulance or placed on trolleys using the light railway lines to be patched up at the FADS then shipped to England.
The battalion marched to the proven camp to recuperate. New drafts were sent towards the end of the month to make up for the injured and dead. As soon as the new draftees were placed training undertaken – to instruct the new men about trench warfare. On the 9th September the battalion returned to the front to act initially as salvage collectors – to scavenge for weapons left on the field of battle.
Battle of Menim Road, 20-25th August, 1917. Once again there was a tremendous bombardment meant to soften up the opposition, flatten the strong-hold and break-up the wire. The Allies attacked and managed to hold on despite counterattacks. At last their seemed to be a solution to prepared positions. This required guns to be ranged accurately using all calibres and shells to creep forward closely followed up by the infantry to gain achievable goals then taking stock to reform and start again.
Ypres was the key position that affected the whole sector. The city had exacted a terrible toll on both sides. As the Kensington battalion marched along the road past the city walls we reached the Menim Gate, turning right continued over a wooden bridge past the Zillebeke Lake. Ahead there was a trench system topped by a mound making the whole area a fortified bastion. Batteries of guns were firing over our heads as we carried on towards the Westhoek Ridge. It was then that the Battalion Major was killed together with the Adjutant, as the RSM lay wounded. Captain Shaw took over coming from Brigade to take over from Captain Venables.
The Germans were putting up a heavy barrage as the remainder of us doubled along the Menim Road past the dressing station of Half-Way House. Lines of German prisoners were passing as the Kensingtons made their way quickly along the road until they reached the pill-box.
Battle of Polygon Wood, 26th September, 1917. This took place during the Third battle of Ypres, starting off on the morning of the 26th of September. It was planned as a jumping off point for a direct assault on the Ridge that had as its focal point the village of Passchendale. The troops were marched into line making their way from the road to the torn and shell holed track that lead to the communicating trench. At onetime this had been well dug with duckboards and dugouts, firing points and steps well placed with looped sandbags facing the enemy… now it was a shambles with bits of equipment and bodies sticking out from the slimy mud with two foot of water contaminated with an evil smelling scum. When all was quiet at night the rats came out stealing the rations and foraging amongst the litter. The men asleep covered their faces with a blanket even though they could feel the rats running over them. The rats had no fear hardly taking any notice of the happenings around them. Stray dogs roamed the battle fields looking for scraps of food shivering and shaking as the guns boomed out.
It did not take long for the men to become battle hardened. If they didn’t smoke before they did now… it was a nerve calming habit promoting a sense of togetherness, as they all lit up. All men suffered from fatigue and exhaustion, many having the shakes. No-one took any notice or made a remark but most engaged in mindless conversation, although no-one listened.
This occurred the closer the time came to go over the top. Instructions would be continually repeated. The butterflies in the stomach made you breathless, the loose bowel, hands that would not keep still and the eyebrow that twitched…, they rocked backwards and forwards on the squelching duckboards… waiting their turn… Again the artillery put down a barrage prior to the order to advance… you could feel the ground shake and tremble. The noise of the whistles and bangs… the whine and rushing sound. Everyman had to stand firm. Occasionally a man hit by shrapnel or an unlucky bomb burst. The cry for ‘stretcher bearer’ rings out as the word was passed along the line. Somebody had bought it. When would it be my turn?
Battle of Broodsinde, 7th October, 1917. Much of the south side of the ridge had been captured by the first of October. It had been a tremendous slog by the British 2nd and 5th Armies. The later attack managed to pass through the German defences to the depth of one mile. Just over a week later the two armies pushed forwards again – on Passchendale itself, after two days of continuous heavy rain. It had been a grim business. It was almost impossible to comprehend how troops could continue in such conditions. There appeared to be no change to the strategy and tactics. The troops had to just carry on with the Battle of Flanders capturing Passchendale three days later.
Battle of Poelcappelle, 10th October, 1917. Whilst the battle for Passchendale was being raged another was in progress. Poelcappelle was proving to be a harder nut to crack for it was a complete failure with very little to show for the 13,000 casualties. The British 5th. Army once again was being asked to create a diversion by attacking Houthulst Forest, Malmaison and northeast of Poelcappelle. At first only slight gains were made. Later on the right flank succeeded in capturing the rest of Poelcappelle.
3rd Battle of Passchendale, 31st Oct-10th Nov, 1917. This was, and is still called, ‘The greatest martyrdom of the World War. The four divisions of Canadian Corps were transferred to the Ypres Salient relieving the Anzac Corps on the 18th October.
Ypres lies at the western end of a low-lying plain circled by woods and hills. It lies behind the front line by some two miles and some five miles beyond- further east, is the actual village of Passchendale. In-between the town of Ypres and village of Passchendale flows the river Yser… dotted about, numerous canals and streams, all part of the field drainage system – all not much above sea-level guarded by the Pommern Redoubt. From the river the ground rises… to the village of Gravenstafel and there, further up the valley, perched on the heights… the village of Passchendale, a gentle climb up to the ridge.
It is important to picture: all military attacks were preceded at that time by an artillery barrage… this was either a total stonk that could last for days or a creeping barrage began just before the battle to saturate the ground in advance of the attacking troops. The Ypres plain was like a basin – the river running through the centre had created water meadows on either side making much of the grassland marshy. Past generations of farmers built a series of canals, channels, ditches and water-courses to drain away the surface water – to make the land productive. Naturally: any breaking or damage of that drainage system would recreate the marsh. The weather was unexpectedly wet – it rained continually…
Three separate attacks planned, each given a day to achieve. The British 5th Army were to mount diversionary operation on the left [Pilckem Ridge] and the 1st. Anzac on the right [Nonne Boschem]. The start date was 26th October 1917.
The bombardment began on 22nd July employing 3,000 guns, well in advance of the start date. This shellfire: transformed the area into a pock-marked swamp two miles wide, full of quicksand’s capable of drawing man and horse beneath its surface.
The 3rd Canadian Division kicked off advancing up the northern flank towards Bellevue spur. The 4th Canadian Division made for Decline Copse. The Canadians achieved all their objectives but were eventually forced back by repeated German counterattacks.
The second stage, four days later, was to mop up what had not been cleared on the 26th. And secure a base on the Passchendale crest… A number of strongly held farms were assaulted and captured. By the 10th November the Third Battle of Passchendale succeeded costing the Canadians Corps 15,654 casualties in 16 days of hard fighting.
Battle of Cambrai, 13th November, 1917.The Kensingtons took over the front line on the 12th November. In support were the 3rd London’s bringing up full battle equipment. This was the first battle ordered that was not preceded by an artillery bombardment. Headquarters came to the conclusion that a pre-bombardment only alerted the enemy to an impending attack – allowing the German troops to retire from the front line – to return after the artillery had moved forward. On the eve of the battle the 167th and the 169th Brigades were holding the front. Their task was to create a diversion making it look as if they were the attacking party using many different ploys to seek that effect. The 168th Brigade was in reserve. When the battle began it became obvious that the ruse had been a success. The troops following the tanks penetrating the Hindenburg Line on a wide front.
The 36th Division on the right of the 56th advanced from Demicourt the 169th linked up with them later that morning. By the end of the day there was a large bulge in the line, eight miles wide by four deep. The advance was stopped by the Germans short of the Bourlon Wood covered a ridge. Douglas Haig on the 22nd decided to carry on the attack. Both the Brigades 167th and the 169th ordered to attack the Hindenburg Line. The next day the 168th thrown into the fray, Tadpole Copse now the objective. The Kensingtons, with Lieut-Colonel Shaw in command marched the Brigade to Le Bucquiere, along the Cambrai Road. The following night they took up residence vacated by the Rangers and the \Fusiliers about the Louval Wood.
The London Scottish was occupying the Hindenburg Line pushing their way towards Tadpole Copse. C Company of the Kensingtons started to dig a trench from the original front line to the crater. A Company took over defending the right flank. When the trench had been dug C Company went to the rear to carry up battle stores. In the morning, the rest of the Battalion moved in to relieve the Fusiliers. The Battalion was now in a confusion by trenches, dug-outs and strongholds totally unknown to them. They could hear the Germans but not see them. In the morning, the Germans put in a determined attack shelling the line. It was clear that the Germans would attack again.
For the first time tanks were used. The attack started in the early morning with a large number of tanks [381] opening the way ahead for the infantry. Great advances made including a breaching part of the Hindenburg Line defences. The heavy tank assault broke through the enemy lines into clear ground ahead opening up a marvellous chance to forge ahead. But no reserves were available to take over the territory gained. Before anything arranged the Germans had once again sealed the breach and they counter-attacked. In the end the battle was called off and the Germans retook all the ground they had lost. The battle ended with withering blizzard the snow drove everybody below ground. Although the battle had only lasted two weeks the figures of the casualties again leave the mind dazed at the stupidity of it all. Forty-five thousand on each side. We took eleven-thousand prisoners and the Germans took nine thousand of ours. There was to be no more major assaults for the rest of that winter. The Third Battle of Passchendale depleted the number of troops available to exploit the gains made at the Battle of Cambrai which showed the capabilities of massed tank action. At the end of November, beginning of December, The Kensingtons relieved by the Gordon Highlanders and Black Watch to take up a rear reserve camp at Roclincourt. A few weeks later we were off again to Bailleul south of Vimy Ridge after a couple of days taken out of the line to celebrate Christmas 1917 back in Roclincourt Camp.
On the 5th December 1917 the Russian Bolsheviks agreed a truce signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk on the 3rd March 1918. The terms were high. Russia had given up Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and the Ukraine. This allowed the Germans to move many of their troops to the western front freeing up stocks of ammunition. By the 15th February 1918, the Germans had two armies stationed to attack between Ypres and La Bassee, and five more between Arras and Reims.
The Kensingtons having handed over to the Scots marched to the transport lines near Fremicourt. After a week of route marches and wagon rides adjacent to Vimy Ridge… finally marched to up the ridge to the long communication trench leading down to the trenches in front of the village of Oppy. Again the Kensingtons had their numbers made up as they prepared for the new year’s battles.
After the October Revolution and the overthrow of the Monarchy Russia negotiated a cease-fire. The Germans could now concentrate on the west – deal with a single opponent – the Allies. As soon as the peace treaty was signed they started to transport men and arms westwards in an attempt to create a victory before America could contribute. As soon as Haig heard of this he immediately realised his preparations should include a stockpile of ammunition. The Germans were about to field 191 Divisions against the Allies 164. There was a discrepancy of manpower which dictated that the Allies should stand firm and defend. The German offensive began on the 21st March [my father’s birthday] and was directed at Britain’s 5th Army who had been recuperating after the Battle of Cambrai and Passchendale…
Battle of Lys, 21st March, 1918. The following year, 1918, it became a well-known secret that the Germans were being strongly reinforced – that they were preparing for an offensive that would be against the 5th Army. The RFC squadrons were bombing the German lines and airfields at Busigny, Bertry and Escaufourt. The build-up by the Germans was very much larger than previous occasions. Their object was to smash through British lines before the Americans built up sufficient forces to make a difference. The German Offensive in Picardy better known as The March retreat.
On the 19th after a long spell of hot dry weather it started to rain with a heavy mist. All sights and sounds were dampened down and the enemy after some artillery fire became quiet. Both sides were oppressed by the enveloping fog. Suddenly there was an enormous crash as an artillery bombardment started. It was the most intensive bombardment staged since the beginning of the war. The St. Quentin sector was in the middle of it. The onslaught was massive. Gas was used and the order was given to put on gas-masks. The fog kept the gas close to the ground as it crept closer. Behind the gas the Germans started to penetrate the weak positions, feeling their way around strong points. Their reserves taking their place as the main body moved forward. Ahead of the main force surged the storm-troopers equipped with automatic rifles and machine guns and light mortars. They made many openings in the British lines. The front had never been held by so few men and so few guns. Behind the British front line troops there were few reserves. The 5th Army had to cover forty-two miles with twelve infantry divisions and three cavalry divisions. The Germans had forty-three divisions and by sheer weight of numbers began to push the British Forces back. There was a break through at St. Quentin. The last of the British reserves were used up. A general order to retire was made.
On the 21 March an Operation called Michael, and the less important attack at Lys, began on the 9th April regained all the ground lost [6 miles] to the Allies the previous year… This was achieved by the Germans in three days. Many of the Brigades were decimated within a few hours. The German advance was finally halted before Amiens.
Battle of Doullens, 26th March 1918. During the second night it was realised that the Germans were massing again for another attack… The airfield at Flez had to be evacuated and right in the valley of the Somme columns of German troops could be seen advancing everywhere. They were advancing in hordes. The RFC delayed the advance but not sufficiently to stem the tide. Three days after launching the attack the Germans stood a good chance of driving a wedge in-between the 5th Army and the 3rd Army to the north. An ominous bulge began to form in the line once more the British Army fell back. The 4th Division faced seven German divisions in the ‘Mars’ offensive; the German advance was halted. It looked as if the Germans were making for the important railway centre at Amiens. On the 26th March the Germans were eventually held at Doullens. It was decided by the general Staff that the British troops should come under General Foch to coordinate the defence of the line. The following day the British held the line, the Germans began to falter once again, there was consternation! General Gough was relieved of his command.
The magnificent fighting withdrawal left the Germans with extended lines to the extent it had to stop and regroup. As soon as the Germans halted without capturing Amiens or broken through at Arras they tried to break through to Paris, then to the north towards the coast gaining some ground but the British line still remained complete and unbroken… each side losing nearly three hundred and fifty thousand men. Although it was a very testing attack for both Armies for the Germans it was a very bitter pill, it convinced many that the war was not going to be won their resources had drained away.
Battle of Bapaume, 12th April, 1918. The Kensingtons entrained taken along the line to Watten, Houle and finally Bapaume.This was an old battle area, and looked it being desolate. The Germans had retired to high ground. We found our way to Le Transloy and the sugar factory. Thankfull,y the weather was fine and warm.
On the 12th April 1918, the Germans became so threatening that Douglas Haig issued an order of the day – recognising the seriousness of the German attack – that all troops should stand firm. The lull between the Battle of Amiens and the continuation of the fighting at the Somme became known as the Battle of Bapaume. For a week during the end of August and the beginning of September, the battle raged across the Somme. The front to the north and south had been pushed forward; there was a general advance of all the Allies along the whole front. The Germans were in full retreat – it was a total collapse of their lines. The weather helped being warm and dry making the ground suitable for tank movement. Douglas Haig issued to all commanders instructions that contained in them an indication of intent, that risks should be incurred as a duty – which it was no longer to advance in regular lines but to take what ground was won or offered. At the end of the month the Australians made a ferocious attack on Mont St. Quentin and Peronne the last commanding positions left to the Germans. Mont St. Quentin is a rounded hill two miles to the north of Peronne. Their fortifications were of the strongest kind and the German troops were told to defend it to the last man. They put up tremendous resistance but were in the end overcome by the Australians who took the fortifications forcing the Germans to fall back on the Hindenburg Line. Away to the southeast the Americans were engaged in the hard fighting for Argonne.
Battle of Chateau Thierry, 27th May, 1918. The battle opened up with the usual bombardment followed by massed infantry attacks. Within five days the Germans had reached Chateau Thierry on the river Marne. Some of the new America arrivals attached to the British line. By June, the Germans had pushed through the British line to the river, and beyond. It was a situation that called for desperate measures. All day long the 2nd Battalion Devon’s continued until darkness fell. In the morning the mist seem to be clearing. Out of the murk the Devon’s saw the Germans advancing in lines bringing with them their guns and transport. When they got within range they were all mown down. This heroic stand partly took place in a wood the original trench had been blown up. Taking up position in another they turned to face the Germans who were so tightly packed together they could not be missed. The Devons made a last stand until finally out of ammunition charged the enemy. This triumphant last-ditch attempt to stop the Germans disrupted their offensive and sapped their will.
Battle Hindenburg Line, 18th September, 1918. The battle began with the British 1st, 3rd and 4th Armies moving forwards to reach the fortifications capturing 116,000 prisoners. An attack on both flanks of the German forces made by all the Allies in a piecemeal fashion to deceive the Germans.
The German positions between Cambrai and St. Quentin were penetrated and the Allies surged on. The Hindenburg Line was formidable having deep canal-trenches filled with water and wire making it difficult to get the men and tanks across. The thick impenetrable wire, massive concrete fortifications and earth banks constructed in depth. The British artillery blasted away with a passion that was staggering. On the evening of the 26th of September all the front was in action. The troops halted to let the artillery bombard the front. For a time the Hindenburg Line held but finally the attack by the British, American and Australian troops succeeded – during the 29th September following a rain-storm and dense fog during the night forward troops penetrated the defences. By the end of the following day the Germans were in full retreat.
The night before Hindenburg agreed with Ludendorff that to save Germany from a catastrophe there must be an immediate armistice. The leaders prevaricated and the fighting went on… The moral of the German Army was in tatters the men were refusing to fight. During the last weeks of the war, in October, the Germans were in confusion. They had reached a line that ran along the western edge of the large Forest of Mormal and to the south of it the Sambre Canal. The line was back to where it had been at the beginning of the war four years before. On the 4th of November the Fourth Army launched its attack against the enemy positions along the Sambre canal. In the morning the German resistance broke down completely and all along the front the Germans Army fell back in an open and general retreat. The whole of the Allied troops moved forward eastwards by the British and north-eastwards by the Americans and French. The plight of the Germans became an impossible one. The German gambol had failed and Ludendorff resigned. By this time the division had suffered 34,809 casualties. The German Navy Mutiny at Kiel sparked off a revolution. On the 30th the Turks signed an armistice and on the 7th The German Government named their delegates for discussions about an armistice; on the 9th November the revolution sized Berlin; and on the 11th the armistice was signed.
By the middle of October there were one million American troops in France creating two Armies. Their casualties, when the battle was over, were just over a quarter of the total… after being a full-scale force.
On the 6th November the Kensingtons fought their last battle. They had been on the move for three days. The Germans intended to resist their passage and a heavy barrage of gas shells landed. The 169th Brigade was on the right and the 168th on the left. They, together with the London Scottish, advanced towards the River Grande Honnelle. A, joined with B, and C Companies were to keep in touch with the flank Brigades. After a tremendous artillery bombardment the advance was seriously in jeopardy. D Company was detailed off in support, to link with C. Together they were sent to the northern outskirts of the village where they found the enemy in possession. After clearing a number of Germans, taking many prisoners, the situation became clearer. At last the village was securely held as Battalion Headquarters was set up in the cellars of the church.
The London Division received the Cease Fire order for 11am on the 11th November 1918. The order was given to the Kensingtons in Rieu de Bury. By this time all the roads and villages about were completely devastated… this gave a great deal of work to tidy up – to allow passage through. The Kensingtons provided a body of troops to march with others in the First Army through the town of Mons on November 15th.
On the 27th November the Kensingtons left Rieu de Bury and marched to Villers sire Nicole. They stayed for more than a month, including Christmas. Eventually demobilization came to them allowing groups to slip away. The 1st Battalion had spent more than four and a half years in France and been through fourteen battles.
The war had a profound effect on my father whose life afterwards was never the same again. He relived his time in French throughout the rest of his life, as I am sure many did. During the war, he lost four of his brothers and many of his friends. My father never trusted his Staff Officers and certainly not the Generals. He thought them inefficient and uncaring. His experiences played an important part in shaping his military service in the next war and clouded many judgements after.
In Albert’s DCM citation it makes it clear that he considered his men first, at all times, and felt responsible for their wellbeing.
His Citation Reads:
‘He showed the greatest energy and efficiency. Determined and cool in action. He has set an inspiring example to all the junior non-commissioned officers and men of his company. He was present at the First Battle of Ypres and Cambrai in 1917, the enemy offensive at Vimy Ridge in 1918, Arras the same year and later at Maubeuge’.
In 1918, there was a unity of command between the English and French Armies under the French Commander in Chief, Marshal Foch. The British and French had relied upon, to a major degree, a continuous sustained firepower from the artillery. This depleted the German Army, a fact not recognised until later by the High Command. Had they followed up immediately victory would have come sooner? As it was the eventual counter attacks made by tanks later on lead to ultimate victory breaking the morale of the German Army. Ludendorff and The Kaiser both realised that the war could not go on. The Treaty of Versailles settled the fate of Germany and directed the course of events over the next twenty years, which lead to The Second World War.
The Armistice terms signed in a railway carriage in the Forest of Compiegne. The terms forced Germany to give up all Allied territory, to withdraw her troops to the German side of the Rhine, to surrender all prisoners , and to hand over her fleet, aeroplanes, and guns.
In June 1919, the Treaty of Versailles settles the fate of Germany. The ‘war-guilt clause’ declared Germany responsible, demanding a sum of money to be paid annually to her conquerors, the Rhineland to be occupied by the Allied troops, her coal-fields given to the French. France to regain Alsace-Lorraine, Poland gained territory, and did Czechoslovakia, and Germany was to give up her colonies – divided up amongst the Allies and reduce her army to 100,000.
The treaty of Saint-Germaine ended the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The old empire split into racial elements. Two new states made Czechoslovakia, formed from the old Bohemia with Moravia and the Slovak area of Hungary and Yugoslavia, an enlarged Serbia. Poland restored along with the republics of Finland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania.
When the troops demobilized the cry was, ‘Back to Normal’. Lloyd George had promised, ‘Britain would become, a land fit for heroes’. A General Election in 1919 retained the Coalition Party, of mainly Conservatives, in power; led by Lloyd George… they remained in power until 1922.
Unemployment was the most persistent problem. The returning troops allowed to return to their old jobs. This naturally forced out those who had replaced them – those who were used to new production standards and methods brought about by mass production techniques. It also turned out most of the women who filled the jobs of conscripted men. The men returning were four years older, some promoted to senior ranks – given authority and responsibility. They found it difficult to cope with dissatisfied workers clinging to the shirt-tails of Trade Union officials. Soon many began to feel disillusioned believing that they had sacrificed much for a few to become rich. Industry began to feel the pinch as customers cut back. Factories lost their contracts for armaments finding it hard to turn to peacetime products. Overseas customers had been neglected the retooled factories had to compete with the then existing manufacturers. All this led to firms laying off workers. Unemployment soared and an economic crisis loomed ever larger. The dole queues lengthened…!
There is no doubt whatsoever that the experiences gained by my father in the First World War made an enormous impression on him. He could not stand poor leadership and sloppy behaviour. These feelings were reinforced losing four brothers. He was an excellent leader of men and knew it. He was respected and liked by his caring behaviour and could be always ‘do his stuff’. His general demeanour raised the standards of his men who respected his bearing. Being previously a member of the Territorial – slightly older than the norm – had greater military knowledge, was called upon by the officers, who were often much younger, to advise and assist. It was in the Regiment’s interest to keep him looking after the men.
He felt close to ultimate realities, sustained by a profound and unassailable conviction that all would be well – that he would survive come what may. It was a ghastly experience – the mud, the uniform, the equipment, gas mask and rifle, bayonet and ammunition all in preparation for possible extinction. There he stood so often having to show confidence without fear ready to lead his men on the racked battlefield. It is no wonder that these thoughts remained with him for the rest of his life.
By the end of the war Martha, my grandmother, lost three more sons. Thomas the eldest died in his first year in 1881 and Elsie in her third in 1894. In all, by 1920, Martha had lost seven of her children. Now there were only four left. Albert, my father was now the eldest, Lillian and Edith, the two girls, and William the youngest. Edward was adopted that year because Martha so pined for another son. Since that time, she always wore black in morning and on Sundays wore their medals in turn as a mark of remembrance. When I knew her, she was never without her bible, which she read every day.
The cry by the post was generation was ‘Back to Normal’, whatever that was! At the same time, there was an equal desire towards making social conditions conform to ‘a land fit for heroes’. Soon after the war my father was demobilizes and he went back to work for the Great Central Railway, at Marylebone Station. Whilst he had been away they had taken over T.M.& Co. plus G.C.R. employees, were always going to be associated with their original parent company and my father was always going to feel an outsider especially when applying for upgrading.
Owing to the congested state of the Railways bought on by the surge in industrial production and the movement of people, the Government allocated twenty-four motors to the G.C.R. Company. My father was now running the Goods department and did not have sufficient drivers to service all the transport available. His task was to enrol temporary drivers from a pool of unemployed men and test them to see if they were experienced enough to drive heavy goods vehicles.
On the 29th January 1919, Albert returned home resuming his old job as Cartage Manager, he continued to attend the Kensington Lodge. With seven other Brethren, presented with his Grand Lodge Certificate. Later that year at the 1st October, Installation Meeting, appointed Lodge Organist. By now, the family was living at Harvest Road, Bayswater.
Albert also a founder member of the ‘The Old Contemptible Association’ – an association of men who had been in the original mobilization of the Territorial Army in 1914. His hobby, which last until he was married, was photography. He had his own plate glass camera and tripod and did his own developing. During this period, he still lived at home in Amberley Road, Paddington. The railways were expanding after the restrictions felt during the war. Many of the army wagons passed to the railways to relieve the build-up of vehicles parked in dumps. My father realised the changes this would make to an organization limited to horse transport. He submitted a plan to Senior Management – a scheme whereby horse teams retrained onto motor wagons by rota – making provision for suitable cover. His plan being accepted instructed, to organize the training.
Gradually, by the introduction of motors, sharing rounds and districts, whole areas integrated, eventually leading to an enormous transport system. He personally drove every wagon to check each delivery round… ensuring that the times estimated for each delivery were possible. His methods adopted, successful introduce to both Kings Cross and Bishopsgate Depots.
The Grand Central Railway was a collection of lesser Midland Railway Companies and was, by the time of my father’s birth in 1889, an amalgamation of provincial railway lines. Eventually it ran routes to London from Manchester and from Grimsby to Immingham linking up with other Midland cities. The Railway Act of 1921 amalgamated, by government regulation, the existing one hundred and twenty lesser companies into four massive concerns. This rationalization made enormous economies, standardizing equipment, schedules, and fares.
The name London & North Eastern Railway, which was the formation of three ‘Great’ railway companies, became a reality and the name used in 1922. The formation of the L.N.E.R. railway company linked together a vast conglomeration of harbours and docks together with an enormous fleet of ships.
That March, Albert appointed Inner Guard at the Masonic Lodge whilst still maintaining an active role in the running of the Kensington Battalion Shoots at Bisley.
The discontent of the railway workers was still felt. Wages low and unemployment high. The men were, through their union, threatening to strike to try to force up wages.
There was a Railway strike that year and my father asked to drive and deliver a load using a motor wagon – to help maintain deliveries and at the same time break the strike. He also helped feed and harness the horses whilst still keeping up his office duties. If there were a motor left at the station by the time the Senior Manager arrived – forty minutes after my father, the delay had to be accounted for. The following year the Conservatives won a convincing election. What was significant was the Labour Party becoming second for the first time.
The following year Albert installed as Worshipful Master of the Lodge at a meeting held at the Clarendon Restaurant, Hammersmith. At the Ladies Festival, later that installation year, 145 people attended the dinner and dance with tickets costing 18/6 each.
My father was 37, regarded as working for Thompson McKay. These workers barred from applying for cartage work on the Great Central Railway – it was a ‘closed shop’. This restriction eventually lifted by the railway companies who complained that there was not enough freedom of movement, that if Thompson did not remove the ‘ban’ work offered to another company. The ban later withdrawn. However, being trained staff, employed by firms outside the railway industry, meant workers stigmatized when applying for work in any of the railway companies.
So serious was The General Strike to industry and production, it was agreed, in 1928, for all the staff to accept a two and a half percent reduction in fees, salaries and wages. The previous trade boom ended in depression – saw markets shrinking. Industry was declining and unemployment figures rising. This situation continued until 1930. An agreement by some trade unions not to seek a wage review put into place lasting until the end of that year.
In 1933 in conjunction with the other three main railway companies the old, established cartage firms of Carter Paterson and the Hay’s Wharf Transport Company, part of Pickfords purchased. The same year saw the unification of London’s transport and the creation of the London Passenger Transport Board. By the time father left home to get married in 1933, Paddington, Marylebone, and Bayswater districts becoming crowded. Many of the houses turned into flats, old houses pulled down to make way for blocks of flats. There was rising child mortality cause by overcrowding due to lack of provision and bad leasing arrangements
Although my father eventually achieved the title Cartage manager on the Great central Line every time he applied for a higher position told he had insufficient experience of railway matters and turned down. This was an excuse to engage others more influenced by the new Labour Government.
At the Annual Bisley, National Rifle Shooting event, held on Sunday 18th June 1933, Albert won the Secretary’s Cup with a score of eighty-four.
The First World War broke the pattern of British social life. Ridged class barriers that existed are hereditary and the passing on of land was now falling to those ‘in trade’ who accumulated money. The comradeship felt from hardships experienced in the trenches gradually eroded by a class struggle between ‘the workers and the management’. Women’s work during the war allowed them to experience a freedom from the previously expected role of ‘mother’. It was a less ordered society and the demand for ‘equality for all’ was becoming more strident.
The four railway companies provided their own regular long-distance trains establishing a network of suburban commuter services. Almost all the London suburban lines were electric taking over from buses the bulk of passenger transport.
Hitler became Chancellor of the Reich in 1932 and from that time until 1936 concentrated on the total establishment of his own personal dictatorship. It was during this time that my parents were married at Tatworth Church, South Chard, Somerset, in 1933, renting a house in Maybank Avenue, Wembley. My father was 44 and my mother 25. My brother Stan was born the following year, 11th June 1934.
Early the next year, when my mother was pregnant with me, my parents moved to 31 Cumberland Road, North Harrow, where the family enjoyed a larger house and garden. My father’s rank in the Territorial Army was now Regimental Sergeant Major and the force slowly geared itself up for mobilization as war loomed ahead.
From 1939, until privatization of the railways in 1948, the government under the Emergency War Act controlled the railways. In September 1939, the British Army was unprepared for war in manpower, equipment, training and battle hardened experience. It faced a German Military Force better lead, with properly worked out plans and superior equipment. It was again like the previous war, a shambles perpetrated by an inferior General Staff, and a Government planning for appeasement. Tanks, aircraft and weapons need mass production methods and that always initially favours the aggressor. Britain’s unpreparedness led to a mass retreat, loss of heavy equipment and moral.
There was a two month pause before Hitler ordered an air attack and during that lull Britain tried to make up for the lack of material and men. A voluntary force was formed by Winston Churchill called the ‘Defence Force Volunteers’ – later known as the ‘Home Guard’. The vast majority of the men that volunteered were veterans of the First World War, too old to join up for the regular army but able to serve as a defence force. At first, these men were not able to receive a uniform or weapons but had to content themselves with suitable replacements like pick handles and iron bars.
My father was immediately called-up and promoted second in command of the 17th. London Division Home Guard, with the rank of Major. He was loaned a car, for the duration of the war, given a telephone line – and relieved from his post with the railways. His task was to enrol and train a division of men to defend North London based on The Kensington Regiments Drill Hall in London … the training area Epping Forest, during a critical period. He was fully aware of the secret operational bases in and around the area he controlled and it was up to him to supervise the Royal Engineers to construct such bases in Epping Forest. These bunkers hidden in such a way that any German attack and occupation would bypass these linked posts allowing surprise attacks to hinder their movements. The men who selected to operate these bases specially chosen for their knowledge of the area and not part of the normal Home Guard detachment.
His man management skills and planning abilities put to good use. Frankly, I am sure he enjoyed the challenge and could more than cope with the task.
The railways, all but nationalized between the wars. After this, there would be only four railway companies left to complete total nationalization of the railways. The railways were then ‘British Railways’. The Transport Act, which brought about these changes, passed that year, came into operation in 1948. It was also to affect road haulage concerns – the ‘British Road Services’ was the result. He believed that, with the amalgamation of the four railway companies – into British Railways, he would stand a better chance for promotion… he thought his wartime record and his standing with LNER would stand him in good stead, particularly in the reconstruction of the railways – necessary just after the war. Time proved him wrong…To continue the family history go to: http://openwindowslearning.co.uk/ click on bookcase and select the next book in the series to either listen to or read.
Acknowledgements
History of the Ely O’Carroll. Printed by Boethius Press. Additional Material: Robert Books Limited, 1982, in Toomevara Parish: Industrial Activity on Rural Secular Sties in Ireland, A.D. 499 – 1100, by Thomas Kerr, Maureen Doyle, Matt Searer, Finbar McCormick and Aidan O’Sullivan. Story of Ireland by Neil Hegarty, BBC Books. Published in 2011. The Last Lords of Ormond, ‘The Curse of Cromwell’, by Dermot F. Gleeson. New Edition with revisions by Donal A. Murphy. Published by Relay. The Ordinance Survey Name Books describes parish boundaries, the origin of place names, and the monuments of historical value. Kilkeary mentioned. The Civil Survey of 1654-1656, Vol. II: carried out at the time of the Cromwellian confiscations. Kept close by, throughout all my studies of ancient Ireland, have been: The Course of Irish History by Moody & Martin [4th Edition}; A History of Ireland by Mike Cronin; The Great Hunger by Cecil Woodham-Smith and The Age of Arthur by John Morris; I am grateful for their research and dedication. I am particularly thankful for the help of Tipperary Library who have always been most generous. McDermot Research extended Keary’s Dublin history. Historical excerpts researched by amateur genetic genealogist Michael Keary: (1174, AD, containing Keary name from Annals of the Four Masters of Ireland, from earliest years to 1616. (Translated by John O’Donovan, 1856). Kildare Archaeological Society; O’Heeriu’s Topographical Poem, c15th century. Book 2. p12, Dermod O’Connor’s translation. Martyrology of Donegal, Looa Patrioiana, p 67, note. Lectures on MS, p 388, sub anas, p 408. Suppliment to Irish Families (1964) by Edward MavLysaght – surnames. The Geneaologies, Tribes and Customs of Hy Frachrach, Irish Pedigrees or the Origin and Stem of the Irish Nation by John O’Hart. Dublin part three, City documents, 1756-1847. History of Clare and the Dalcassian Clans of Tipperary, Limerick and Galway, by the Very Rev. P. P White, PP., VG. Published in Dublin by M. H. Gill & Son. My DNA family group 23andMe. A Brief History Of Everyone Who Ever Lived by Adam Rutherford 2016, pub. Weidenfeld & Nicolson. The Kearey Name in History, Ancestry UK, published by The Generations Network, Inc.
In my research to write this account of The Volunteer Force, 1907 – 1918, the part played by the 1st.Division, Kensington Battalion, and the role played by my father, I have used many dates, of battles fought; from Wikipedia [These do not always confirm other accounts]. I have tried to link them up with the writings and tales told by my father. For a personal account of life in the trenches I have dipped into Johnny Get Your Gun by John F Tucker; the Years of Combat by Lord Douglas of Kirtleside, The First Day on the Somme by Martin Middlebrook, The Somme by A H Farrar-Hockley and World War One by Philip Warner. An almost complete history of the regiment told within the pages of ‘The Kensingtons’ published by the Regimental Old Comrades Association, although too few names mentioned of senior non-commissioned officers. Richard Van Emden has written a series of books about the war and times including many personal accounts. To obtain a political view of the times I have consulted As It Happened by C R Attlee, PC, OM, CH., and A Portrait of Britain, 1851-1951, by Lindsay & Washington. For the economics of the period I have turned to The People and the British Economy, 1830-1914, by Roderick Floud. As for history, Hope and Glory, Britain 1900-2000, by Peter Clarke, served me well. I thank the Family and Children’s Services, The Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea, for their kind assistance and interest.